龙应台:薄扶林

 

是一株龙眼树。树皮粗犷,纹路深凿,树身暴筋虬结,显然是株百年老树。树干上缠着很多个东歪西倒的信箱,用生了锈的铁丝或一截电线草草绑着,涂了手写的号码“47陈”、“58朱”……

紧紧贴着老树的,竟然是一座铁皮屋,范围很小,却是两层楼,所以基本上是个方形大铁桶,可是主人一丝不苟地把它漆成蓝色,看起来就像个艺术家绞尽心力的前卫作品:一座蓝色的铁屋密实依靠一株泼墨色的龙眼树,几乎长成一体。

里头住人吗?

我敲门,一阵窸窸窣窣,最里面一层木门打开了,她就隔着纱窗门,小心地探头看。纱窗破了一个洞,刚好衬出她额头上的白发和皱纹。

看见我,她张开嘴笑了。问她几岁,她摇头,“太老了,不记得了。”问她“这铁皮屋哪时建的”,她笑得一派天真,“太老了,不记得了。”我退后一步,看见门上涂着“1954”。──“是这年建的吗?”她笑,“太老了,不记得了。”

帮她拍了好几张照片。临去时,她说,她也想要一张,我说,一定给你送来。

坡势陡峭,铁皮屋和水泥矮房参差层叠。百日红开在墙角,花猫躺在石阶上,废弃的园子里牵牛花怒放,粉蝶就闹了开来。太阳对准仅容一人行走的窄巷射出一道曲折的光线,割开斑驳的屋影。

山村简陋,可是沟渠干净。小径无路,可是石阶齐整。屋宇狭隘,然而颜色缤纷。漆成水蓝、粉红、鹅黄、雪白的小屋,错落有致。放学时刻,孩童的嬉戏声、跳跃声在巷弄间响起。成人在小店门口大口喝茶、大声“倾盖”。杂货店的老板在和老顾客说笑。十几个男人在“居民业余游乐社”里打牌,一个人兴冲冲地从屋里拿出一张黑白照片摊开在桌上,说:“你看,这是一1946年的薄扶林村。”

1946年吗?但是我来看薄扶林村,是为了一个更早的日期喔。

文史专家说,薄扶林村的村史要从康熙年间的三藩之乱说起,两千多人逃避战乱而来到这里,成为香港岛上的“原住民”。三藩之乱,从1673年开始动荡了八年,但是,在这个八年之前连续二十几年,满清雷霆扫荡晚明势力,广东没有平静过。1650年,广东南雄在城破之后已经“家家燕子巢空林,伏尸如山莽充斥”,广州更是万劫不复。被清军围城将近十个月之后,尚可喜的军队破城而入,开始了“广州大屠杀”。有一种估计是,在十二天之内,七十万广州市民被杀。

这种数字,我必须转化成现代比拟才能感受到它的真实性:1994年的非洲卢旺达种族大屠杀,在三个月内八十万人被害。

荷兰使臣约翰。纽霍夫描述他所看见的广州:“鞑靼全军入城之后,全城顿时是一片凄惨景象,每个士兵开始破坏,抢走一切可以到手的东西;妇女、儿童和老人哭声震天。从11月26日到12月15日,各处街道所听到的,全是拷打、杀戮反叛蛮子的声音;全城到处是哀号、屠杀、劫掠;凡有足够财力者,都不惜代价以赎命,然后逃脱这些惨无人道的屠夫之手。”

350年前来到薄扶林山村的两千人,是不是就是那“不惜代价以赎命,然后逃脱”的南粤人?他们从南雄和广州扶老携幼,跋山涉水,寻找一个距离屠杀现场最远、距离恐怖政权最远的孤岛,在孤岛的树林和海面上,瞥见很多凫鸟栖息,因此称这山凹处为薄凫林,并且决定从此以后,这里就是以后一代一代孩子们的故乡?

我没想到,薄扶林村,在什么都以“拆”为目标的香港,350年后,竟然还好端端地立在这山坳处,花猫伸个懒腰,百日红摇着微风,忘了年龄的老妈妈笑着跟我挥手道别;山村里,听得见孩子们跑步回家的叭叭足音。

这样希罕的活着的古迹,落在不知历史为何物的官员手中,会怎么样?

傅国涌:窑洞“玩笑”竟成真

 

“国庆”夜,电视画面上到处是歌舞的海洋、鲜花的海洋,那种镜头与我的生活很远,我想起的是发生在五十七年前的一些残片断简,在延安窑洞中,俨然以帝王自命的毛泽东曾与女作家丁玲之间的“玩笑”,远在这位打伞的无冠之皇登基之前,我们就不难看出一些端倪来,不幸的根子早已埋下。丁玲的这段口述回忆十多年前曾公开刊出:

“在延安的时候,我经常到毛主席住处去。差不多每次去他那里,他都用毛笔抄写自己的诗词,或是他喜欢的别人的诗词。有一次,毛主席突然问我:”丁玲,你看现在咱们的延安像不像一个偏安的小朝廷?‘我知道他是在开玩笑,就回答他:“我看不像,没有文武百官嘛!’‘这还不简单呀!’主席马上把毛笔和纸推到我面前,说:”来,你先开个名单,再由我来封文武百官就是了。‘我没有开名单,只是报人名。反正是开玩笑嘛。毛主席一边写名字,一边在这些人的名字下面写官职,这个是御史大夫,那个是吏部尚书、兵部尚书什么的,还有丞相、太傅,等等。弄完了这个,他突然又对我说:“丁玲,现在文武百官都有了。既然是朝廷,那就无论大小,都得有三宫六院呀!来,来,你再报些名字,我来封赐就是了。’一听这个,我马上站起来说:”这个我可不敢!要是贺子珍大姐知道了,她准会打我的。‘

另外一次也是我去毛主席住处,他怀里正抱着一个男孩。我们正聊着,小孩突然撒了一泡尿,毛主席的衣服弄湿了一大片。这时毛主席不但没有生气,反而高兴地对我说:“丁玲,你说说,这是不是太子尿呢?‘说完,用一只手把纸铺开,竟填起歌颂太子尿的词来了。”  [杨桂欣《“我丁玲就是丁玲”》,《炎黄春秋》1993年第16期]

别看丁玲说这只是“玩笑”,从中却不难窥破毛泽东的心理,他熟悉、向往的是帝王生活,朝廷、文武百官、三宫六院、为“太子尿”填词,因此都不能简单地当玩笑来看。戴煌先生追根追到了毛17岁时的那首《咏蛙》诗。这些线索串在一起,我们可以看到毛内心深处根深蒂固的帝王情结。一旦打下江山,大权在握,从“偏安的小朝廷”成为混一宇内的大朝廷,一切都是顺理成章的,历史就是这样。

既然是“朝廷”,当然是容不得任何不满,更容不得批评,王实味的遭遇就证明了一切。从延安到东北,我又想到了1948年萧军挨批的那一幕,当年还专门出过一本供批判用的《萧军批判》。这位特立独行的东北作家,在延安时代,曾以其桀骜不驯的个性受到毛泽东的欣赏,一度曾“平等论交”,一起大碗喝过酒。抗战胜利后,萧军在共产党领导下的哈尔滨主办《文化报》,对当时发生的许多看不顺眼的事情都进行了公开、直接的批评,比如对苏联,比如对“煮豆燃豆萁”的内战悲剧,他认为战争造成流血、死亡——“对方死得最多的还不是工农大众吗?他们原来不是兄弟吗?”他反对内战——“曹丕和曹植是亲兄弟;人民和蒋介石也不能说是例外吧?因为在今天,我们还不能找出证明来,指出蒋介石不是中国人,只能说人民和蒋介石是两个阶级。”他呼吁联合“百分之九十九点九的全国人民”——“不管他是科学家、哲学家、艺术家……英美派、德日派;唯物的、唯心的;古典主义、浪漫主义……都无妨。”最尖锐的批评来自他1948年发表在《文化报》上的《新年献词》:

“所谓民主也,革命也,共产也……此真背天逆人,颠倒伦常之举;复加以分人之地,起人之财,挖人之根……甚至净身出户,此真亘古所未有之强盗行为,真李自成、张献忠之不若也。满清虽异族,日本虽异类,尚不为此,胡共产党竟如此不仁其甚也哉?”

措辞之严厉,批评之大胆,至今读来恐怕还足以令不少人胆战心惊,他大胆直言共产党比李自成、张献忠还不如,比满清、日本人还要残忍。这样的言论当然是即将席卷全国的红色集团难以容忍的,等待着萧军的命运可想而知。不久中共中央东北局就根据“东北文艺协会”的结论作出了“关于萧军问题的决定”:

一、 在党内外展开对于萧军反动思想和其他类似的反动思想的批判,以便在党内驱逐小资产阶级的、资产阶级的和地主阶级的思想影响;在党外帮助青年知识分子纠正同类错误观点。

二、加强对于文艺工作的领导,加强党的文艺工作者的马克思列宁主义的修养……

三、 停止对萧军文学活动的物质方面的帮助。

对萧军最严厉的惩罚也许还不是第三条“物质方面”给他断粮,而是第一条精神方面的全面批判。

那一套话语体系在那个激烈的战争喧嚣中很有蛊惑人心的力量,许多人曾真诚地信服了以头头是道的主义包装起来的、不容说“不”的那种论证,真正看穿了这一切的知识分子,尤其是跟着红色阵营走的人当中确是凤毛麟角,王实味算一个,萧军算一个,那时离全国江山一片红虽然尚有一些时日,有个性的萧军还能够追求真正的民主、大胆地行使言论自由、批评自由的权利,让人依稀想起十月革命后高尔基在《新生活报》上那些“不合时宜”的的言论。可惜这样的声音只是昙花一现,很快就被压制下去了,随后是一片歌功颂德的声浪,日复一日,月复一月,年复一年,使一个老大民族逐渐习惯了那种声音,再也张不开批评的翅膀,一句话,民众的喉管被卡住了。从此,毛泽东可以稳坐钓鱼台,分封文武百官、三宫六院,填太子尿的词,一切都不再停留在嘴巴上和纸上,昔日窑洞里的“玩笑”不再是玩笑。

刘  柠:日本叫停对缅经援:人权高于国家利益?

 

据日媒体报道,10月16日,日本内阁官房长官町村信孝在内阁会议结束后的记者会上宣布,决定中止对缅经援中与民生无直接关联的人才开发部分,约5.5亿日元(约470万美元)的无偿资金援助。至此,缅甸发生人道主义危机以来,日本在“援助还是制裁”的问题上,长达近一个月的“政策调整”告一段落,终于形成了有限制裁的共识。

9月27日,在仰光市中心,手持摄影机、正在示威现场进行报道活动的日本APF图片新闻社摄影记者长井健司(Kenji Nagai)遭镇压军人近距离射杀而身亡,成为在“袈裟革命”中流血的第一个外国人,也使事态升级为外交事件。

事件发生后,作为缅甸最大施主的日本,虽然在第一时间展开交涉,但却没有马上停止对缅甸的经援,甚至放出将不会叫停经援的信号。惟其如此,缅军政府气焰更长,态度强硬,不仅把罹难记者的死因说成是“因士兵无法区分示威者与记者而导致的偶发事件”,甚至归咎为死者的签证问题(“应持记者签证入境,而不是观光签证”),记者倒下前最后一刻使用的摄影机至今未归还。

缅甸的人道主义危机,在国际社会掀起了巨大的舆论波澜。联合国安理会通过缅甸问题主席声明,美国和欧盟启动制裁,连一向在政治、外交问题上极其低调的美国第一夫人布什。劳拉都破例接受媒体采访,甚至不惜亲自在《华尔街日报》上撰文,在抨击军政权“镇压示威的野蛮行径”的同时,威胁说如果未来数日之内依然看不到军政权民主化的迹象的话,布什政权将动议更加严厉的制裁措施。

但是,包括美国在内的国际舆论及制裁,对动摇和软化军政当局的强硬姿态、缓解缅国内局势,究竟能起到多大的效用,其实难说——缅甸毕竟不是20世纪70-80年代的阿根廷,其所属的区域组织东盟(ASEAN)也不是曾在战后出台过《美洲人权公约》的美洲国家组织(OAS)。面对缅军政权四个最主要的利益攸关方(中国、东盟、日本和印度),除日本外,国际人权机构、跨国人权组织的运作实力鞭长莫及,对相关国家(地区)的外交政策施加影响更难期待。从某种意义上说,1988年以降,虽然缅甸国内20年来民主抗议活动不断,昂山。素季等民主的象征犹在,但民主化却始终不见出口的局面的形成,莫不与周边大国谋求各自的地缘、战略利益有直接或间接的关系。

尽管美高调“制裁”,但华府对与缅军政权谈判始终持消极态度,援助更谈不上,所以美国的制裁动议,多半属于“慷他人之慨”。倒是日本,基于交涉、对话有助于改善缅人权状况的立场和认识,对后者一直采取“建设性参与”(Constructive Engagement)的政策,边谈判边援助。仅2006年度,对缅政府开发援助(ODA)额即达30亿日元(2001年度曾高达100亿日元)。

从事件初期的不影响经援论,到叫停无偿援助部分的有限制裁,日本的应对似乎经历了一个“转型”,再次给国际社会以首鼠两端的印象。思考其政策决策的过程颇耐人寻味。大致说来,至少有三种因素影响了日本的决策:

首先是中国因素。日本虽然是缅甸的最大金主,但中国却是其最大的军援国。日本难以坐视随着ODA的退场,中国影响力独大,日本战略利益受损的现实;其次是美国因素。华盛顿呼吁制裁,日本完全听而不闻的话,有违同盟国之间的协调立场,也有失“盟主”的面子;还有日本国内因素。民主国家的记者遭外国军政当局杀害,这毕竟不是普通的事态,国内要求制裁的舆论分贝甚高,日本笔会发表抗议声明,表达强烈的愤慨,一份由包括众多名记者、名作家签名的万名知识分子署名抗议书已递交缅驻日使馆,要求查明真相,惩办凶手。日本作为民主国家,其外交政策不可能不对如此民意做出某种回应。

毋庸讳言,此次把经援与人权挂钩,无疑是日本人权外交的一次尝试,正如町村信孝官房长官在记者会上所阐述的那样,日本“将强烈敦促缅甸政府倾听国际社会的声音,切实推进民主化进程”。但仅据此便认为人权高于国家利益,则为时尚早。因为,一个国家的地缘、战略利益是多元、立体的构成,而其中一个很重要的方面,就是政府在世界的形象。从这个意义上说,日本对缅的有限制裁,未尝不是一石二鸟之举。

李昌玉:看中共新科常委亮相

 

北京时间今天上午11时大约40分钟,中共十七大选出的新科常委,通过中共喉舌CCTV,闪亮登台,在一刹那间,我们看到穿着一式一色西服的9位常委,款款走出,整整齐齐,步履矫捷,好不威风,就像马戏团新驯的演员出场亮相――中国人、外国人,端坐在电视机前,全都成了傻乎乎的看客,心里想:啊,这就是未来君临中国人民头上的九只雄狮――一只雌性的也没有。

对于99%以上的中国人民来说,猛然之间,感到新奇新鲜有趣,原来换药不换汤,只换了两味新药:习近平、李克强,他们是什么人?原来是干什么的?……小老百姓产生了一点小小的可有可无的疑问。

其实,老百姓已经习惯了这种党代会、人代会。管他谁当选,反正中饭你们也不会请我,今天晚上我照样睡觉,明天太阳照样升起,我蔸里不会因为你习近平当了常委增加一块钱……中国人民普遍患了一种执政党喜不自禁的传染病――政治冷漠症。

可是对于经常可以上网或收听海外广播的可能少于1%的一小撮中国人来说,早已经耳熟这么两个名字。中南海的黑箱早已频频向海外漏光,现在不过是把各种仅供参考的海外传闻变成了现实而已。

中共领导一个13亿人口的大国,最最成功、最最值得炫耀、最最值得接宗传代的经验就是实行了空前绝后的愚民政策,并且能够对老百姓把信息封锁得滴水不漏。中南海变成了一个大黑箱。如此伟大的成就,即使授予诺贝尔奖,也有点委屈。

中共是执政党,但是不像任何民主国家的执政政党可以公开信息。这个中国共产党所有这个党的最高层的选举信息都是绝密的。这个大吹大擂号称实行社会主义民主的政党,它的常委选举,如果我们也承认它是选举的话,完全是黑箱作业,就像黑社会的帮派推举龙头老大老二一样,只有顶尖层次的几个人,在那里为你那一派、我这一派讨价还价,所有消息对国内封锁得严严实实,滴水不漏。十七大这种权力的交易,最少从一年前就开始了,中国的老百姓是一点感觉也没有,可是奇怪的是,中南海内的惊风骇浪人员变动信息却频频透露到海外。

按照中国政府的惩治办法,凡是透露这种信息者,都要按照泄露国家机密的罪行治罪,但是,一年来,从中南海黑箱向海外泄露出的这种信息,何止十条、百条,而且最后,也就是今天,常委亮相证明,那些信息大都是可信的,不是胡造的,习近平、李克强的当选早已经向海外传递了信息,这又证明这些信息都不是个人私自泄露出去的,而是中共官方故意向海外泄露的,所以任何泄露信息的人,都是奉命行事,不会受到任何的惩罚治罪。

于是,作为一个中国百姓,我不得不问:中共为什么对自己的人民如此愚弄,封锁,屏蔽,即使是专制主义的政党,处在二十一世纪,继续这样实行愚民政策,也有点太过分。胡锦涛像乡村集市上出卖假药的小贩,站在一张木凳上,挥动着手里的塑料包,左一个“民”字,右一个“民”字,满嘴都是“人民”,但是出卖的却是地地道道的愚民假药,玩弄的是高级的愚民把戏。

而且,我不得不问:中共既然把常委的讨价还价消息严密封锁起来,那么,为什么要故意泄露到海外去呢?你们不是把海外的媒体视为“敌对”势力,不共戴天,如同仇雠,苦口婆心地劝说我们不要被这些“敌对”势力利用,而你们却偏偏要被他们利用,用来传递中南海内你死我活的拳击搏斗信息,又是什么原因呢?我实在无法为胡锦涛们破解这道难题。

你们自称为代表最大多数中国人民利益的政党,你们垄断了全部媒体,为什么不把常委的变动信息发给你们所代表的人民听一听,却要发给海外的“敌对势力”传播,动机何在?用意何在?我们这些手无缚鸡之力的衰朽老翁,即如本人,不过是一个戴过两次右派帽子的七十四岁的老人,仅仅还会动笔写点文章,为家事国事天下事好发表几句真心话,只因为在中国新闻封锁得针插不进,水泼不进,没有发表意见的平台,所以才被海外“敌对势力”利用。如果在中国能够自由写作,发表文章,出版文集,那该会多么好啊!那会得到多出十倍、百倍的人互相交流,正是我们的伟大理想和奋斗目标。如果说,我们还有什么暗藏心中的秘密,那就是为在中国实现言论自由、新闻自由、出版自由而奋斗!

再说,你们开你们的十七大,干什么要弄得全民惊恐不安。比如,本人绝对不能不会不敢跑到北京去破坏你们的大会,但是公安局、党支部通知我:离开济南要请示,此外还给我派了一位尽职尽责的便衣警卫。如此关怀,真是三生有幸。

以上所言,若有不恭不敬亵渎侮慢之处,请万望海涵。俗话说,常委肚里好撑船嘛!

(2007年10月22日之夜于山东大学附中)

艾  鸽:和泰戈尔世界上最遥远的距离

 

   世界上最遥远的距离
   不是宇宙的起点
   不是时间的消失
   是你的眼睛到你的嘴唇
   你发现了我却说不出我爱你
   
   世界上最遥远的距离
   不是你的眼睛到你的嘴唇
   而是从你的嘴唇到你的心灵
   你已经说了出来心灵却不承认
   
   世界上最遥远的距离
   不是从你的嘴唇到你的心灵
   而是从你的心灵到你的生命
   你的心灵已经认可生命却遥遥无期
   
   世界上最遥远的距离
   不是从你的心灵到你的生命
   而是从你的生命到你的魂魄
   你的生命已经属我所有魂魄却在飘逸
   
   世界上最遥远的距离
   不是从你的生命到你的魂魄
   而是从你的魂魄回到你的眼睛
   你的魂魄被我俘获眼睛却深不可测

井  蛙:哀歌

 

   我是否死了
   你如此悲伤地痛哭我
   
   我是否被埋到了地下
   
   我爬不起来
   每个要被拜祭的早晨
   
   一杯爱尔兰人的威士忌
   熏坏了我的嘴唇
   
   我的牙齿跟着变坏
   
   我变老了
   你搂我
   如此深情地抚摸我的背脊
   
   你每个周末都自己跟自己过
   在我们的窗口
   你喊我
   
   我没来
   因为我死了
   
   被埋到很深的湿地之下
   
   他已经走了
   进了监狱的某个角落
   
   他每天都在唱歌
   唱着哀歌哀悼我在记忆中逐渐消亡
   
   你看到了吗
   那些印第安人的石头
   发亮的肤色
   
   临终的发丝你抚摸的
   你垂泪的
   你不舍的
   
   爱
   
   我离开你了
   终于让你孤独地活下去
   
   你看见我紧闭的双眼
   散发香草的气息吗
   
   我回到了原始
   
   你走向我的未来
   你指着一座废墟告诉我
   
   那是你的居所
   你的墓穴
   
   我的尸体距离你的尸体
   还有很长的距离
   
   
   我听见他没日没夜地歌唱
   祈求我醒来
   
   祈求爱情醒来
   
   可是,我真的死了
   我真的在坟墓里悲伤地活着
   
   
   2007-10-7
   SAND BEACH

牟传珩:睡在主席台上的象征——中共“十七大”幕后解读

 

通观整个中共“十七大”会貌,在一种浓重意识形态的死气沉沉气氛笼罩下,大会主题平庸依旧,代表众口一词,拥戴赞美,歌功颂德。胡锦涛由左右两极向中间靠拢的“中间道路”,也即“中国特色社会主义”的道路——用“中国特色”演变“社会主义”;用“社会主义”约束“中国特色”的有限改革路线,决定了本次大会毫无悬念。胡锦涛政治报告中的所谓“解放思想”,改革创新,都不过是言过其实的姿态而已。

我从头至尾看了胡做的报告,通篇高唱“改革”旋律,但在政治上却全是空喊口号,毫无新意。平心而论,这报告远不及该党“十三大”报告开放,有内容。“十七大”提出各项大政方针和决策部署,其实都是“十六大”的继续,早已为中共高层底定。两千多代表们不过照例是来歌功颂德,举手通过而已。贾庆林在参加北京代表团时说,要认真学习好、贯彻好“十七大会议精神”。由此可见,中共代表大会就是要代表们学习贯彻中共高层底定的会议精神的。所谓代表们“审议”,只多是支支节节的修补而已。其实这种“党代表”只会举手投票早已成为惯例。因而在每次会议期间,民间总是盛传这样的顺口留:“领导点名当代表,乘坐软卧去报到,住进宾馆吃好饭,投下一张赞同票”。于是“党代表”实质上是“只决不议”,或“只议不否”,把会议当成举手、点头和接受指示,贯彻传达的政治任务,根本就看不到西方民主政党代表大会上的那种思想交锋与政策辩论。这样死气沉沉的大会,哪有民主,哪有生机,哪有希望?

尽管中共十六届四中全会《关于加强党的执政能力建设的决定》中指出:“营造党内不同意见平等讨论的环境,鼓励和保护党员讲真话、讲心里话。”但有谁能真正说出与会议精神不同的异见。其实党外有党,党内有派,只古而言。就在“十七大”召开前后,党内左右两派不满现行政策的思想路线斗争已十分激烈,从《只有民主社会主义才能救中国》到《极左万言书》的交锋,可谓狼烟四起。但在此次大会上却风平浪静,不同意见全被封杀在幕后。会议强调代表思想高度集中和统一的本身,就背弃了“解放思想”的原则,这是典型的专制主义在思想领域的反映。

“十七大”上发不出不同声音的主要原因在于:一是党内异见者被排除于大会之外;二是偶有漏网者其意见也只能被封闭在幕后;三是有的代表虽有异见,但为自身仕途计不敢表达。万众一词,普天媚颂,并不是和谐的表现,更不是盛世的象征,这一点朝鲜、古巴、前伊拉克都能做到,但他们做不到的是制度创新与科技领先!而仅仅谋求科技发展,那是舍本求末。当年李鸿章、袁世凯,慈禧太后都兴过“洋务”,但政治保守,弃不得祖宗的教条,又岂能安邦强国,实现和谐?现代社会的政党执政方法既不是一个阶级统治另外一些阶级,也不是靠技术官僚垄断管理,而是各阶级、阶层的和解互动和公民的广泛参入相结合。政党的决策要首先体现民主。例如,新西兰工党在党的政策出台前,先在党内进行广泛、激烈的辩论,然后以意见书的形式提交给党的政策会议。法国社会党2002年参加总统和立法选举受挫后,在党内组织了约5000场各种形式的座谈会、辨论会,动员各级领导和基层广大党员深入反思,发表不同意见,以图表达、代表和协调立场,才能最终达成党内共识。西方国家还有议会辩论制度、议案表决制度,对不同意见议员的保护制度等等。无论议员间如何矛盾冲突,辩论如何激烈,但都按既定的规则行事,不破坏体制,在体制内活动。

而此前在中共党内一份问卷调查对象中,有54%的人认为目前在党内生活中讲真话,讲心里话“比较难”,有21.8%的人认为“很难”,两项相加,超过四分之三的调查对象认为目前在党内难讲真话。在此问卷调查“您认为在党内讲真话难的主要原因”的多项选择中,有70%的人选择“对党员权利保障机制软弱无力”;有43.9%的人选择“报喜不报忧的不良风气在党内长期的消极影响”;有41.5%的人选择“领导人缺乏民主作风”;有41.1%的人选择“党内缺乏民主”;有34.9%的人选择“囿于党内讲真话而招祸的‘历史教训’”;有31.6%的人选择“党内‘官本位’传统习俗的障碍”;有31.1%的人选择“怕影响和损害个人的具体利益”;有28.5%的人选择“上级领导人不喜欢听真话”。(此资料见《三中全会以来——重要文献选编(上)》北京:人民出版社)而邓小平及中纪委组织,都在强调政治纪律时,使用了“在政治上同(党)中央保持一致”这个概念。由此以来,“政治纪律”、“保持一致”就成为漠视、压制、排斥、打击党内不同意见的法宝。中共各级党委多年来习惯了在“一言堂”的状态下思考和工作,不习惯在七嘴八舌、众说纷纭的环境下按照民主程序处理问题;以讲效率为由排斥不同意见。2006年5月,长江三峡大坝全面建成,记者问潘家铮院士:“谁对三峡工程的贡献最大?”潘回答说:“那些反对三峡工程和提出不同意见的人贡献最大。”因为持反对意见者从国力能否承受、移民如何安置、生态怎样保护、文物怎么保留等方面提出了一系列问题,使得决策者不能不进行充分论证。“反对意见和不同意见”的价值和贡献也就在这里。

但在本次大会上,胡的政治报告刻意回避民权,转移主题,将问题的焦点引向“民生”,有其明显的方向性错误。其实权力失去监督,才是中国各种各样的社会集团轻而易举地获得巨大不公平利益的根本原因。民权是民生的根本保障,没有民权的民生是不确定的、不真实和随时都会被剥夺的。民权的问题不解决,民生问题不过是纸上谈兵。然而我没有发现一个代表的发言对此做出澄清,论证民生艰难是公民权利被长期剥夺的结果,进而问责执政党为何不把权力还归人民。这才是解决民生问题的根本出路。这种前置性批判,并不都是“全盘否定”,而是从各个角度提出质疑,使会议的方向和政策避免失误。现代政治实践有大量事实证明,政党的好决策往往是以前置性冲突意见为基础的,而不是从“众口一词”中来。

美国之所以能在科技领域始终保持领先地位,谜底不仅在于资本机制推动的社会竞争,更在于它的人民是批判的群体,它的国会是批判的大脑,它的两党是批判的两翼,它的媒体是批判的喉舌。批判颠覆不了美国的制度,反而成为了他们不断创新的国家精神。美国的教育,从小就培养学生的异议意识,引导学生崇尚冒险、实验与批判的价值取向。美国的强大(人们可以不认可美国的完美,但却无法否认他的强大),是与他们的政党和公民敢于开诚布公地批判政府,和政府勇于开诚布公地容纳批判分不开吗?今日中国,虽引进了资本机制,取得了令传统社会主义制度望洋兴叹的经济成就,但与先进国家比,在激励人的自由创造性和科技发展能力方面的差距,较之满清时代并不逊色。满清后期尚能崛起“君主立宪”还是“民主共和”之争;北洋政府都允许民间办报;蒋介石再独裁也还容纳了鲁迅。而21世纪的今天,要与时俱进,建构和谐社会的中国,不要说社会,就连党内都容不得异议与批判,所谓“解放思想”岂能取信于天下?

中共“十六大”时就提出了要进行“思维创新,理论创新,制度创新”的口号,但无论在何领域,不容许对已有的原则和结论进行异议与批判,一切创新都是空谈。如果马克思不是采取了“怀疑一切”的批判态度,又怎么可能创立他的社会主义学说?。100%的赞称,是100%的假象。昨天的齐奥塞斯库,今天的萨达姆,都为这种假象的悲剧性谢幕做出了最好的诠释。靠压制不同声音来维持一致,是不可能长久的。

一种民主的政府,一个健康的政党,不可能不面对政治异议与批判的砥砺,这是一切社会生物蓬勃生长机理的辩证运动使然。胡锦涛由左右两极向中间靠拢的“中间道路”,也即“中国特色社会主义”的道路——用“中国特色”演变“社会主义”;用“社会主义”约束“中国特色”。这条道路究竟科不科学,能不能走通?不是胡锦涛6.25党校讲话可以一锤定音的。中国社会一定还会继续争论下去。党内民主之所以必要,是因为党内存在着不同的声音,亦即不同的理论观念、政治见解以及政策主张,同时,党内职务,存在各有支持者的不同人选。有不同声音,就要有交锋,有讨论,有争议。台前“一团和气”局面,不仅不是好事,且潜伏着台后压力膨胀的危机。

现在,中共“十七大”台前不见不同声音,首脑做了报告,大家齐声赞颂、一致拥护,而党内职务的不同人选,也可以由少数领导人内定,所谓选举也不过是形式而已,没有什么真正的意义。于是才有被胡锦涛请到17大作秀的华国锋一类人,在主席台上睡着了的象征性照片。这样的会议怎么可能有生机,有活力,有希望。

本文的结论是:要判断一个政党是否有党内民主,是否有生机,是否有活力,是否有希望,就是要看他的代表是否能在党代会上公开发表反对意见。从这一意义出发,中共代表大会上何时有了台前思想交锋与政策辩论,才能证明这个党党内有了民主,学会了自我批判与自我反思。而一个不会自我批判与自我反思的党,就是毫无希望的党。

MZ;-Ny (;-e
a@?

Coping with Political Theology

Amusing Ourselves to Depth

Amusing Ourselves to Depth

Is The Onion our most intelligent newspaper?

In August 1988, college junior Tim Keck borrowed $7,000 from his mom, rented a Mac Plus, and published a 12-page newspaper. His ambition was hardly the stuff of future journalism symposiums: He wanted to create a compelling way to deliver advertising to his fellow students. Part of the first issues front page was devoted to a story about a monster running amok at a local lake; the rest was reserved for beer and pizza coupons.

Almost 20 years later, The Onion stands as one of the newspaper industrys few great success stories in the post-newspaper era. Currently, it prints 710,000 copies of each weekly edition, roughly 6,000 more than The Denver Post, the nations ninth-largest daily. Its syndicated radio dispatches reach a weekly audience of 1 million, and it recently started producing video clips too. Roughly 3,000 local advertisers keep The Onion afloat, and the paper plans to add 170 employees to its staff of 130 this year.

Online it attracts more than 2 million readers a week. Type onion into Google, and The Onion pops up first. Type the into Google, and The Onion pops up first.

But type best practices for newspapers into Google, and The Onion is nowhere to be found. Maybe it should be. At a time when traditional newspapers are frantic to divest themselves of their newsy, papery legacies, The Onion takes a surprisingly conservative approach to innovation. As much as it has used and benefited from the Web, it owes much of its success to low-tech attributes readily available to any paper but nonetheless in short supply: candor, irreverence, and a willingness to offend.

While other newspapers desperately add gardening sections, ask readers to share their favorite bratwurst recipes, or throw their staffers to ravenous packs of bloggers for online question-and-answer sessions, The Onion has focused on reporting the news. The fake news, sure, but still the news. It doesnt ask readers to post their comments at the end of stories, allow them to rate stories on a scale of one to five, or encourage citizen-satire. It makes no effort to convince readers that it really does understand their needs and exists only to serve them. The Onions journalists concentrate on writing stories and then getting them out there in a variety of formats, and this relatively old-fashioned approach to newspapering has been tremendously successful.

Are there any other newspapers that can boast a 60 percent increase in their print circulation during the last three years? Yet as traditional newspapers fail to draw readers, only industry mavericks like The New York Times Jayson Blair and USA Todays Jack Kelley have looked to The Onion for inspiration.

One reason The Onion isnt taken more seriously is that its actually fun to read. In 1985 the cultural critic Neil Postman published the influential Amusing Ourselves to Death, which warned of the fate that would befall us if public discourse were allowed to become substantially more entertaining than, say, a Neil Postman book. Today newspapers are eager to entertainin their Travel, Food, and Style sections, that is. But even as scope creep has made the average big-city tree killer less portable than a 10-year-old laptop, hard news invariably comes in single flavor: Double Objectivity Sludge.

Too many high priests of journalism still see humor as the enemy of seriousness: If the news goes down too easily, it can’t be very good for you. But do The Onion and its more fact-based acolytes, The Daily Show and The Colbert Report, monitor current events and the way the news media report on them any less rigorously than, say, the Columbia Journalism Review or USA Today?

During the last few years, multiple surveys by the Pew Research Center and the Annenberg Public Policy Center have found that viewers of The Daily Show and The Colbert Report are among America’s most informed citizens. Now, it may be that Jon Stewart isn’t making anyone smarter; perhaps America’s most informed citizens simply prefer comedy over the stentorian drivel the network anchormannequins dispense. But at the very least, such surveys suggest that news sharpened with satire doesn’t cause the intellectual coronaries Postman predicted. Instead, it seems to correlate with engagement.

It’s easy to see why readers connect with The Onion, and it’s not just the jokes: Despite its “fake news” purview, it’s an extremely honest publication. Most dailies, especially those in monopoly or near-monopoly markets, operate as if they’re focused more on not offending readers (or advertisers) than on expressing a worldview of any kind.

The Onion takes the opposite approach. It delights in crapping on pieties and regularly publishes stories guaranteed to upset someone: “Christ Kills Two, Injures Seven In Abortion-Clinic Attack.” “Heroic PETA Commandos Kill 49, Save Rabbit.” “Gay Pride Parade Sets Mainstream Acceptance of Gays Back 50 Years.” There’s no predictable ideology running through those headlines, just a desire to express some rude, blunt truth about the world.

One common complaint about newspapers is that they’re too negative, too focused on bad news, too obsessed with the most unpleasant aspects of life. The Onion shows how wrong this characterization is, how gingerly most newspapers dance around the unrelenting awfulness of life and refuse to acknowledge the limits of our tolerance and compassion. The perfunctory coverage that traditional newspapers give disasters in countries cursed with relatability issues is reduced to its bare, dismal essence: “15,000 Brown People Dead Somewhere.” Beggars aren’t grist for Pulitzers, just punch lines: “Man Can’t Decide Whether to Give Sandwich to Homeless or Ducks.” Triumphs of the human spirit are as rare as vegans at an NRA barbecue: “Loved Ones Recall Local Man’s Cowardly Battle With Cancer.”

Such headlines come with a cost, of course. Outraged readers have convinced advertisers to pull ads. Ginger Rogers and Denzel Washington, among other celebrities, have objected to stories featuring their names, and former Onion editor Robert Siegel once told a lecture audience that the paper was “very nearly sued out of existence” after it ran a story with the headline “Dying Boy Gets Wish: To Pork Janet Jackson.”

But if this irreverence is sometimes economically inconvenient, it’s also a major reason for the publication’s popularity. It’s a refreshing antidote to the he-said/she-said balancing acts that leave so many dailies sounding mealy-mouthed. And while The Onion may not adhere to the facts too strictly, it would no doubt place high if the Pew Research Center ever included it in a survey ranking America’s most trusted news sources.

During the last few years, big-city dailies have begun to introduce “commuter” papers that function as lite versions of their original fare. These publications share some of The Onion’s attributes: They’re free, they’re tabloids, and most of their stories are bite-sized. But while they may be less filling, they still taste bland. You have to wonder: Why stop at price and paper size? Why not adopt the brutal frankness, the willingness to pierce orthodoxies of all political and cultural stripes, and apply these attributes to a genuinely reported daily newspaper?

Todays publishers give comics strips less and less space. Editorial cartoonists and folksy syndicated humorists have been nearly eradicated. Such changes have helped make newspapers more entertainingor at least less dullbut theyre just a start. Until todays front pages can amuse our staunchest defenders of journalistic integrity to severe dyspepsia, if not death, theyre not trying hard enough.

Contributing Editor Greg Beato is a writer in San Francisco.

Poe’s Mysterious Death: The Plot Thickens!

Poes Mysterious Death: The Plot Thickens!

This article was published in the October 22, 2007, edition of The New York Observer.

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Sigrid Estrada

Matthew Pearl.

Last year, the writer Matthew Pearl published a novel called The Poe Shadow, in which a young lawyer sets out to solve one of the great enduring mysteries of American literary history: What killed Edgar Allan Poe? Like his protagonist, Mr. Pearl was fascinated by the question, which has vexed scholars ever since the great man died in 1849 at the age of 40, in a Baltimore hospital after being discovered, distraught and incoherent, in a local tavern.

Mr. Pearl had wanted to write a novel exploring the mystery. But he never expected to uncover actual evidence that could help solve it.

There are numerous competing theories about Mr. Poes deaththe Edgar Allan Poe Museum in Richmond, Virginia, even has an exhibit dedicated to all of them. Some Poe experts believe it was the result of drink. Others think he had rabies. A few argue he was poisoned by corrupt political operatives. But Mr. Pearla 32-year-old graduate of Harvard College and Yale Law School, whose 2003 debut, the international best seller The Dante Club, prompted Da Vinci Code author Dan Brown to declare him, the new star of literary fictiontold The Observer recently that he has unearthed new information that suggests a less sensational answer: Mr. Poe, it seems, may have died of a brain tumor.

The immediate circumstances of Mr. Poes death are not in dispute. He had been missing for several days when a man named Snodgrass found him on the night of Oct. 3, 1849, barely conscious and wearing clothes that did not fit, and brought him to Washington College Hospital for treatment. At the hospital he kind of ranted and raved, Mr. Pearl said. Three days later, he was dead.

Very little information remains from Mr. Poes short hospital stay, and John Moran, the doctor who oversaw his treatment, obscured the record even further by delivering a seies of paid lectures many years later in which he retroactively made up all kinds of details about Mr. Poe’s behavior that he hadn’t initially reported.

But one night during the summer of 2006, while sitting in a Midwestern hotel room—he says he can’t remember whether it was in Milwaukee or Iowa City—Mr. Pearl had a revelation. At the time, he was on the road doing readings to promote The Poe Shadow, and fans kept asking him why Mr. Poe’s body could not simply be exhumed from its Baltimore grave and examined so as to settle the matter of his death for good. Each time, Mr. Pearl patiently explained that an exhumation would be impossible, because it would require destroying the large marble monument atop Mr. Poe’s grave, which is one of Baltimore’s most popular tourist sites.

But that night in his hotel room, Mr. Pearl remembered some old newspaper articles that he’d come across, in the archives of the University of Virginia and Baltimore’s Enoch Pratt Free Library, while conducting research for the book. When he went back and looked at them, the articles confirmed that Mr. Poe’s body had been exhumed, 26 years after his death, so that his coffin could be moved to a more prominent place at the front of the cemetery.

More to the point, a few of the articles suggested that the great man’s brain had been visible to onlookers during the procedure.

The first of these was an undated letter to the editor of The Baltimore Gazette, which claimed that “a medical gentleman” had seen “that the brain of the poet Poe, on the opening of his grave … was in an almost perfect state of preservation,” and that “the cerebral mass, as seen through the base of the skull, evidenced no signs of disintegration or decay, though, of course, it is somewhat diminished in size.”

The second was an 1878 article in the St. Louis Republican, noting that “the sexton who attended to the removal of the poet’s body” had lifted the head during the exhumation and reported seeing the brain “[rattling] around inside just like a lump of mud.” The sexton reportedly thought that “the brain had dried and hardened in the skull.”

“What I realized was, if that was the case, it would be the only physical evidence we have of what Poe’s condition was at his time of death,” Mr. Pearl said.

Intrigued, Mr. Pearl asked a coroner for an expert opinion. “I read her the description,” Mr. Pearl said, “and she said, ‘Well, that person is just wrong. Unless you embalm the body, the brain is the first thing to liquefy. There’s no way it would still be there 25 years later.’”

But a tumor, the coroner said, can calcify while the rest of the body decomposes. Perhaps that’s what the witnesses were describing, she suggested. Sure enough, when Mr. Pearl looked up photographs of brain tumors, he saw that some of them really did look like shrunken brains.

Next, Mr. Pearl ran his theory by some experts. One was Hal Poe, a descendant of the writer who serves on the board of the Poe Museum, and who told Pearl that he had “stumbled onto something quite important.” Mr. Pearl then went to Poe scholar James Hutchisson, who had advanced the tumor theory a year earlier in a Poe biography, based on other evidence, including the fact that Dr. Moran initially reported the cause of death as “congestion of the brain.”

Despite the enthusiasm with which experts like Mr. Hutchisson have greeted his findings, Mr. Pearl isn’t claiming to have solved the mystery once and for all. But he’s excited to have found a concrete lead amid the tangle of unsubstantiated theories: At least [the tumor theory] has some evidence and some trails that you can follow that & Its not just throwing the word rabies out there and thinking, That sounds good!…Id hope in this case someone picks up the scent and finds more on this.

Still, he went on, the case will probably never be closed. Poes death is one of the biggest literary mysteries, period, Mr. Pearl said. People dont grow tired of it. Its sort of like the J.F.K. assassination.