▲英国广播公司(BBC)报道:各国民众掀起反缅甸军政府游行。

Just another WordPress site
▲英国广播公司(BBC)报道:各国民众掀起反缅甸军政府游行。
距离中共十七大的召开已经不足半月,各地都在为迎接这一历史性大会的到来营造所谓的“和谐”氛围,就在这种特殊时期,首都北京竟然发生了维权律师李和平被残暴殴打的骇人听闻。9月29日下午,维权律师李和平被人绑架、殴打、侮辱达6、7小时之久,事后,李律师就此事发表了题为《愿法治之光照耀中国》的声明,声明中陈述了事件的大致经过,并表示对这种暴力行为的不认同。最为让人感动的是,李律师虽然惨遭蹂躏,却表现出了常人所无法想象的镇定和宽容,他对殴打他的人并不记恨,而是渴望中国社会走向真正的法治。
李和平律师被打的消息一经传出,便引起了外界的极度愤慨和高度关注。维权网和中国维权律师关注组率先发表了抗议非法绑架殴打李和平律师的声明,余杰、司马函、李国涛等人也纷纷在第一时间发表了声援李和平律师和谴责施暴者的文章。李和平律师今年37岁,是北京高博隆华律师事务所合伙人,近年曾经参与一系列的法律维权案件。2001年担任“北京新青年学会”案第二被告人杨子立的辩护律师;2005年在陕北油田案与高智晟律师同任朱九虎的辩护律师;2006年受高智晟律师委托参与北京晟智律师事务所起诉北京市司法局。李和平律师还曾为法轮功修炼者王博作无罪辩护。毫无疑问,在绝大多数律师都唯利是图且不敢受理人权案件的今天,李和平律师成为了中共当局的眼中钉,有关部门使用流氓手段对他进行迫害是可想而知的。
维权网在声明中称“这次暴力袭击李和平律师的恶性事件是北京国保干的”,理由如下:第一,在此之前,北京国保已经找过李和平谈话、要他带上全家离开北京,被他拒绝。谈话后,李和平开始受到国保的跟踪监视;第二,这些便衣向他所提的要求与国保完全一致,说明他们至少是国保聘请的打手;第三,这些不明身份的人士能够驾驶不挂车牌的车辆在北京横行无阻,让人不得不怀疑这些人具有官方尤其是国安的身份背景;第四,搞蒙头罩面绑架、然后带到不明地点进行毒打和威胁已经成为北京国安国保惯用的手法。世界上没有无缘无故的爱,也没有无缘无故的恨,李律师为人厚道,不可能让其他人对他如此痛恨,简直要置他于死地,稍微有头脑的人都知道制造此骇人听闻的罪魁祸首就是北京当局。
曾经有海外媒体称矿工是世界上最危险的职业,那是因为中国大地上矿难频发导致不计其数的矿工死亡。其实,做一个维权律师的危险性比矿工差不了多少,高智晟律师因为为弱势群体辩护而丧失律师从业资格,后因自由言说而锒铛入狱;杨在新律师因为为法轮功练习者辩护而被律师事务所扫地出门;李建强律师因为多次为异议人士辩护而被吊销律师执照;李劲松和李方平两位律师因为为盲人维权人士陈光诚辩护而惨遭毒打。这些只是我们所熟知的一些律师遭迫害案例,那些没有公之于众的也许还有很多。现在李和平律师的不幸遭遇再一次告诉我们做一个维权律师需要承受多大的压力和面对多大的恐怖威胁。李建强律师曾写的《律师——一个危险的职业》那本书,看来并不是危言耸听,而是实实在在的。
“和谐社会”是胡锦涛近年来所提出的新的治国理念,尊重每个人的人权应该是该理念的应有之义,但是,纵观这几年的中国社会,侵犯人权的案例却比比皆是,而在众多的案例当中,警察等执法人员所扮演的竟是最不尊重人权的角色。北京即将在明年8月份迎来奥运会的召开,就在奥运倒计时一周年之际,中国政府喊出了“同一个世界,同一个梦想”的闪亮口号。然而,时隔不久,天子脚下的北京城就发生了暴力殴打李和平律师的这一幕惨剧,这也许是对中共“和谐社会”的最好注脚,也是奥运前夕中国人权状况的一个缩影。
李和平律师被殴打以后,自由亚洲电台《心灵之旅》节目记者张敏曾对他进行采访,他在接受采访时再次表现出了少有的坦然,他表示,他在面对那些人的围殴和电棍击打时“心态比较平稳,不准备反抗”,他最为担忧的不是自己命运,而是忧虑这种事情再发生在其他人身上。范亚峰博士作为一名资深法律工作者,他对此事也表现出了极大的愤怒,他在接受记者采访时表示:“李和平律师被打是中央某些执法部门黑恶势力所策划的殴打维权人士的恶性事件。这种恶劣程度标志着某些政府部门已经出现了黑恶化趋势。面对社会危机不采取积极进取的方式,不顺应胡温的‘和谐社会’和‘建设民主法制,促进公平正义’这样一个正确的思想路线和政治路线,而采取倒行逆施的方式,试图贯彻所谓‘稳定高于一切’的方针。这种方针和中国宪法、和中国共产党所倡导的‘依法治国’、‘和谐社会’、‘民主法制’、‘公平正义’等主张都是背道而驰的。”专制制度是万恶之源,只要中共继续拒绝民主,殴打维权律师的这种悲剧仍将不断上演。
李和平律师所做的一切都是中国法律所容许的,他以律师身份去帮助权益受侵害者维权不但合理合法,而且为推动中国社会的和谐进步和建立依法治国的现代文明秩序有着十分重要的意义和贡献,如今,李和平律师竟然连自己的人身安全都无法保障,遭到如此残暴的对待,这不仅严重有损中国的法律信誉和中共的执政形象,更将让世人对中国能否保证奥运正常进行和国际来客安全产生质疑。李和平律师在遭受暴行之后并不是选择退缩,而是忍着伤痛继续向外界发出自己的声音,他的声明让我们看到了一个维权律师宽阔的胸怀、无畏强权的勇气以及对社会的强烈责任感和对未来的信心。相信在良知的支撑下,即使今后他还有可能被人在光天化日之下暴打,他也不会屈服,他还将一如既往地在维权的道路上昂首前行!
2007年10月5日
在举国欢庆“国庆”的日子里,在执政党即将召开又一次“历史盛会”17大的前夕,在全国上下加强治安管理和维护稳定工作背景下,却从北京传来一个令人震惊的消息:9月29日下午17:30,李和平律师在光天化日之下,竟在律师事务所办公楼下的停车场被歹徒劫持,歹徒们将李律师用布罩蒙头,驾驶着无牌车辆在北京城内畅行无阻,将李律师带至一处地下室疯狂殴打、折磨了长达六、七个小时,他们将李律师的衣服剥得只剩条贴身短裤,十几个人轮番打耳光、揪头发、用矿泉水瓶砸头、用脚踢,最受不了的是高压电棍的电击,打得李律师满地翻滚!直至深夜凌晨1时,他们又将李律师用布袋蒙头,开着先前的无牌车行使很久,然后将李律师弃之荒野,扬长而去。浑身是伤的李律师艰难回家后,检查随身物品,发现自己的律师证、移动硬盘、律师事务所门禁卡、手机SIM卡、名片夹、手写笔记本和一些案件书面资料被抢走,手提电脑硬盘被彻底格式化,连驱动程序都未能幸免,丢失了大量资料。
对这起公然发生在中国的首善之区与明年奥运举办地北京的暴力袭击律师事件,笔者不仅感到愤怒和震惊!且是越看越看不懂,不得不提出若干疑问以就教于北京警方和广大公众——
第一、李和平律师究竟得罪了什么人?
李和平律师说参与绑架、殴打他的十几个人,之前他从未见过面,根本不认识。笔者与李律师并不熟识,但彼此有一些共同的朋友。通过一些我信任的朋友我了解到,李律师是一位为人谦和、宽容的基督徒,是一位敬业、负责的律师,除了曾代理一些“敏感”案件,并与高智晟律师一家关系密切而不避嫌疑地向危难之中的高家伸出援手,因此可能触怒京城某些视高律师为寇仇的人以外,他没有任何私敌。究竟是何人会恨李律师到如此地步,以至于下如此重手?
第二、这些人绑架、殴打李律师的意图何在?
笔者在事后致电李律师慰问伤情时,听他说随身携带的现金、银行卡等财物并未丢失,显而易见作案者的动机不是图财,而是故意要毁坏案件有关资料,给李律师的执业办案制造麻烦。这些人在殴打他时,还叫嚣让李律师全家“滚出北京”,不准在北京做律师,不准掺和一些事情等等。
第三、什么人有权利在京城开着无牌车招摇过市?
据李律师回忆,袭击他的歹徒开着两辆无牌照车,在马路上一路畅行无阻未受任何阻拦,这令人觉得十分蹊跷,人们不禁要问:北京交警是如何执法的?什么人有权利在京城地界,能开着无牌照车辆招摇过市?如果当时交警能够严格执法,完全有可能发现异常从而解救下被绑架的李律师使他免遭其后的凌辱、殴打。然而不该发生的事情就这样令人匪夷所思地发生了!
第四、为什么歹徒会有通常警方才会配备的高压电棍?
匪徒用带电的高压电棍击打得李律师满地翻滚——高压电棍通常是警方才有权配备持有以防不测的执法器械,且应是在警方自身安全受到威胁时才可以动用,而不可能在任何情况下对一般公民使用,为什么这些歹徒竟非法持有警械?他们究竟是些什么人?有着怎样特殊的背景?难道在和谐中国的首善之区、在明年奥运举办地的北京,竟有着有组织的黑帮公然非法持有警械、如此猖狂实施犯罪活动?
第五、如此糟糕的治安状况,北京距离奥运究竟有多远?
众所周知,现距离2008年北京奥运倒计时不足一年,如今竟发生这样一起律师在光天化日遭劫持、并被殴打凌辱的恶性事件,且作案者持有无牌车辆却能畅行无阻,非法持有警械行凶,这样一种赤裸裸的黑社会暴行,实属情节特别恶劣、后果特别严重的违法犯罪行为。而这样严重的犯罪行为,居然就发生在和谐中国的“国庆日”前夕,且是执政党即将召开17大、举国加强治安和“维稳”工作的中国首都,更凸显出问题的严重性。中山大学艾晓明教授为此撰文愤怒地指责:“在全世界的注视下,在宪法的照耀下,针对李和平律师的每一打击,都打在和平中国、和谐中国的脸上;当李和平律师的衣服被一件件剥下时,中国的尊严、中国的脸面被撕得稀烂了。作为一个中国人,我无地自容。”人们不禁要问:北京距离奥运究竟有多远?如此恶劣的治安状况,作为明年奥运的东道主,北京如何回应世界的期许?如何能令全世界对中国、对北京有信心,而放心地来参加明年的奥运盛会?北京警方如不能制止这样公然的犯罪和挑衅文明底线的行为,这一次的受害者是李和平律师,下一次又会轮到谁?
当笔者打通李和平律师的电话表示慰问时,电话里传来李律师的声音平和、坚定,令人感动!他说自己并不记恨那些殴打他的人,那些人不知道自己在做什么;他也不会接受他们的恐吓威胁,不会离开京城,而会执守一名律师的本分和职责,为弱势群体代言维护其合法权益,以平和、理性的方式在法律范围内推动中国的社会进步。他说我们只是善意地希望为这个社会多做些建设性的工作,用法律的手段解决争端,缓解社会矛盾,使中国社会更加文明、进步,如果因此必须付出这样的代价,我愿意去承受。我在电话里嘱李律师好好休息,并请他的家人多多保重,注意安全!除此而外,我觉得千里之外的自己无力帮上任何的忙,只能在此以一个共和国公民的身份,敦促北京警方尽快破案,将作案者绳之以法,还受害者一个公道,还北京市民朗朗乾坤,给国际社会一个交代。我也希望李律师在其个人声明中表达的心愿能够早日实现:“愿法治之光照耀中国。”
2007年10月5日
编者按:中国改革是难度很大和充满风险的事业。在国家转型时期,改革的渐进方针是必然的,但渐进不是停滞,渐进也需要切实地推进。那么究竟什么样的改革任务最重要?改革的风险何在?如何控制改革的风险?这些正是本文试图解答的问题。
中国改革的任务是要实现经济社会政治结构的全面转型。影响转型成本的因素包括地理环境、天然资源、人口数量、技术水平、国际形势等,但最重要的因素则是制度变革路径的选择和风险控制。
需要坚守的四个底线
对于改革的后果,是否有不能或暂时不能突破的底线?自然是有的。改革不夭折、国家不分裂、社会不对抗、政权可持续,应该是改革主导者愿意接受的底线。在这些底线之上,才谈得上改革取得何种成绩。
改革不夭折,是指改革不至于进行不下去而发生倒退。例如,改革者本来确定了市场化的改革方向,但因为某种事变,反对市场化改革的势力占了上风,以至命令经济全面回潮。历史经验表明,这不是没有可能。
国家不分裂,是指一个国家不至于因改革产生的某种条件,给某种利益集团提供分裂国家的契机。在多民族国家,或者是在一个大的民族之下存在若干亚类民族的国家(例如前南斯拉夫,斯拉夫民族又分为几个亚类民族),这些民族或亚类民族在极端民族主义政治家的鼓动下,可能在一定条件下提出裂土而治的普遍要求,导致大规模的社会冲突。
社会不对抗,是指改革后果不至于绝对损害大多数民众的福利或使分配差距形成长期扩大趋势,以至导致社会内部的激烈冲突。可以用基尼系数来反映社会的分配公平状况,基尼系数大于0.4值得警惕。拥有绝对剥夺感或强烈的相对剥夺感的弱势利益集团,常常会成为民粹主义或极端民族主义势力的社会基础,他们的结合将致国无宁日。
政权可持续,是指国家的基本宪法秩序不因为改革而迅速颠覆,改革主导力量能掌控国家局势。也许改革的最后成功标志是创造出和谐的政治市场,使政治仅仅作为一种高度技术化的社会公共品供应的制度架构,政治家的生存资源不再单单依靠政治舞台,从而使政治变更转化为技术化的过程。但这个过程不可能一蹴而就,国家转型中的政治家常常没有政治舞台之外的生存资源,他们在国家转型完成之前对政权有高度的依赖性。政权如果在转型时期不可持续,不仅政治家不能接受,社会也可能不堪承受,改革也可能夭折。
本文所说的改革风险,正是指上述几种底线的失守。
转型中几种可能的风险
因底线失守而产生的风险出自三种情形,分别是改革太慢产生的风险、改革太快产生的风险以及改革失序产生的风险。
1.处理国家与社会的矛盾时,可能发生改革失序和改革太快的风险。
这方面的改革有两项具体任务。一是严格界定和约束公权,扩大私权。公权应限于国家安全维护、社会秩序保障、经济总量平衡、基础设施建设和社会基本公共品在民众间的公平分配。一部分公权可以交由民间组织行使。公权要保护私权、最大限度地扩张私权。二是确立合理的公权产生方式,建立以政治家专业化和政治家之间适度竞争为特点的民主制度。第二项改革本身有较大风险,而在第一项改革尚未获得重大进展前贸然进行第二项改革,会加剧第二项改革的风险。
公权过大会使各级政治家获得过于优裕的生存资源,并使政治舞台成为他们的基本生存手段,他们会倾向于维持现状,使民主制度的推行动力不足。这种情形已经被村民自治实践所证明。
在时机不成熟时贸然全面建立民主制度,会产生国家分裂的危险。民主政治的功利意义无可怀疑,更确切地可以这样说:民主政治在一定条件下是个好东西,但民主政治形成过程中的风险的确不可忽视。在民主政治条件下,政治家是向下对选民负责,向上对法律负责。政治家为了当选,要用成本最低的方式为自己建立选民共同体,为此,他们要用最低的成本制造或利用共同体成员间相互认同的政治符号。那么什么样的符号、什么样的旗帜能产生最强大的认同感呢?历史的经验告诉我们,人的肤色、语言、民族特性,最容易被利用,作为拉选票的一个手段。其后果就是一些区域的老百姓可能在新崛起的政治家的鼓动下裂土为邦,这个风险可致使一个国家社会经济停滞几十年乃至上百年。
2.处理中央和地方关系时,也可能发生改革失序的风险。
观世界之大局,就是一些小的国家也在调整中央和地方的关系,把原属中央的权力下放给地方。中国是一个大国,中央政府要统管许多事情困难重重。事实上,我国地方自主权在改革开放以来大大增强了,但这种变化有的是改革者有意识推动的,有的则是中央政府实在无能为力,一些权力自然地转移到地方政府手里。可以说从秦始皇建立郡县制以来,排除掉一些国家动乱时期,目前是地方政府权力最大的时期。
在中国进一步扩大地方自主权是必要的。中央和地方关系的调整具有下述特征,方称得上合理:第一,中央和地方各级政府之间的关系,以及各级地方政府之间的关系,完全用法律来确定,实现法制化。地方政府对辖区事务有立法权,约束条件仅仅是地方法规与上位法不冲突。第二,全社会的公共事务权力由各级政府合理分配,按照“凡是通过改革而使地方政府能办好的事情都交给地方办”的原则,来确定中央和地方政府之间的分工。
地方自主权增大以后,有可能发生影响国家统一和稳定的事件。我国许多省份很有自己的特殊性。有的省经济实力非常强大,有的省(区)资源储备巨大,有的省人口众多,还有的省(区)辖区面积广阔,更有的省(区)则有民族特殊性。从长远看,这种特殊性或不平衡性并不能构成一些省(区)裂土分离的条件。但不排除特定时期,某些政治家可能利用特定的区域资源而采用激进的政治立场,提出过分自治乃至更极端的政治要求,为防止这种情形发生,通过调整省(区)的数量及其辖区的面积,适当平衡省(区)之间的资源条件,是十分必要的。
概括地说,对省(区)数量和辖区的调整应先于中央和地方关系的调整,先于地方管理体制的调整,否则会增大改革的风险。
3.在劳资关系方面的改革中,可能会有改革太慢产生的风险。
中国正处在老城市迅速扩张、新城市迅速崛起的时代。城市社会稳定的基础是中产阶层成为居民的主体。中产阶层不仅是指其成员能有与“业缘社会”相适应的生活条件(如私密性好的住房、家人周末出行的汽车、精力旺盛地工作所需要的营养和医疗条件以及退休后的生活保障等),还指其成员对城市社会的主导意识形态有强烈的认同感,即通常所说的“主人翁”意识。在过渡时期,至少要尽快创造城市劳动者的中产阶层生活条件,否则会出现城市社会的政治稳定问题。然而,伴随中国城市的扩张与崛起,我国城市的中产阶层远没有占主导地位。
很多人担心农村社会稳定,事实上农村社会稳定问题正在转化为城市社会稳定问题。各级政府的财政收入已经不再依赖农业,真正务农的农民开始从政府获得各种各样的补贴,项目达十几种之多。土地财产权问题作为一种体制对每个农民都有影响,但直接导致冲突发生的则在城市边缘地带。农民就业不充分问题也转化为城市劳动市场的就业压力。留在农村的人口,一部分是妇女儿童,另一部分是已经有第三代后裔的男子,他们的生活也高度依赖家族中的城市务工亲属。由于各地方政府有强烈的发展城市的冲动,农村稳定问题在更快地转化为城市稳定问题。随着城市化进一步推进和农民人数的减少,真正务农者将成为政治上保守的社会集团。更具体地说,农村问题也正在转化为城市劳资关系的一个方面。
风险最小的突破口
一切社会都会有矛盾,城市社会也一样。社会矛盾不可怕,可怕的是没有缓和与化解矛盾的社会妥协机制。中产阶层的存在是社会妥协机制的必要条件。生活水平低下的穷人并非没有政治诉求,事实上他们是激进政治领袖的社会基础;他们平时可以不显山露水,但一旦被利用,必是难以对话的群体。所以说,城市如果是以原子式的穷人为主体,实在是政治风险很大的事情。
不要以为中产阶层的壮大只是经济发展的后果,政府的中短期政策对此无所作为。有利于中产阶层崛起的最有效的中短期政策,是用以调整劳资关系的劳动政策、收入调节政策和社会保障政策。这些政策通归起来是社会分配政策。表面上看,收入分配的调节只是货币额的分配,不能直接创造财富,也不能直接推动中产阶层的形成,其实不然。中短期政策促使劳动成本上升,迫使资方更新技术,用资本替代劳动,会促进社会分工,提高经济效率,从而加速中产阶层的形成。这个过程也是制造业相对收缩、服务业相对扩大的过程。
因为劳动政策和收入调节政策存在缺陷,国家的劳动法操作性不强,使我们国家劳动就业领域和最终财富占有方面出现许多怪象。一方面GDP迅速增长,但另一方面就业增长缓慢;一方面大学毕业生就业难,另一方面白领阶层存在严重的过劳死。低端就业市场的情形更令人忧虑,工资单价甚至低于农业领域,以至农民工在城市拼过几年体力后回到农村算作一种休养。所有这些现象分开来看似乎算不了太大问题,但集中起来看就不可高枕无忧了。
下大力气调整劳资关系会有风险么?似可忽略不计,或者毋宁说调整劳资关系可化解某些社会风险。一位经济学家对此有精彩论述。他认为,可以把现阶段出现的某种劳动供求关系的平衡(蔡钫等经济学家称为“刘易斯转折点”)看作“诺斯谈判点”,即社会各阶层所进行的一个漫长的、不可预知的社会讨价还价过程。但这个过程“可能会陷入激烈冲突的境地。每个拥有财富的既得利益者是没有激励主动放弃他们那些可能的潜在收益的”。面对这种风险,我们自然不能无所作为;化解风险的主要办法是调整劳资关系。
如果一定要讲调整劳资关系本身的风险,无非是短期内中国劳动力成本明显上升,影响到中国产品的出口增长。这种影响不妨看作好事。只要工资增长不超过劳动生产率的增长,就不会引起通货膨胀。可能发生的是物价的结构性变化,如蔬菜、水果和肉类价格的上升,一部分服务价格的上升,但这种变化毋宁看作经济发展所必需。
控制转型风险的具体对策
改革的风险控制是指通过对改革措施推出的顺序与节奏的把握,尽可能化解与改革有关的各种风险。
上述三方面改革的风险大小,可有下面的排序。每一方面又包含具体的改革措施,也可排出风险大小的次序。自然,这种排序是一种综合的判断,有历史经验的,但更多的是理论推演的。
1.通过调整劳资关系、改善国民收入分配政策,促进中产阶层的崛起与壮大。
具体改革措施包括:修订劳动法,加大对违反劳动法的惩处力度;改革户籍制度,确立全国人口登记制度的基本准则,赋予各城市政府的户籍“门槛”设置权力;失业保障、养老保障和最低生活保障覆盖全国,但社会保障的具体水平以省为单位确立;尽快制定赠予法、遗产继承法,建立累进性的赠予税和遗产税,最高累进税率可以具有没收性质(此项规定要区分公司财产、慈善基金会财产和个人财产,累进税率只针对个人财产;公司财产在转移为个人财产时给予某种限制);适度提高个人累进所得税率。
2.通过法制化的途径规范中央和地方之间以及地方政府之间的关系,建立满足效率、稳定和公正要求的地方管理体制。
具体思路是“强市扩镇、弱省虚县”。
强市。在我国发展250个左右一级城市,并在这些城市建立完全政府。此种条件下不论其自治性达到什么程度,也不会有裂土为国的风险。在这些中心城市设立中央政府以下的一级地方政府,其工商经济要素的作用会高于政治要素的作用,有利于建立有效率的全国经济网络。在社会转型时期,工商业者在政治舞台上的积极作用要大于政客的作用。按这个办法,我国每个城市的平均市域人口与美国的平均州域人口不相上下。中央政府还可以在西部设立若干特别行政区,以支持少数民族地区发展。
扩镇。发展2万个左右的镇或小城市,并在这些镇或小城市建立“议行合一”的基层政府。这些小城市不设立政协机构。由居民选举产生的“镇务委员会”既是议事机构,也是行政机构。镇的建设要符合城市规化标准。随着人口布局的变化,村一级社区将会逐步衰落,村级“政府”的公共服务职能将转移到镇政府。目前大部分村落将收缩为由少量纯农户构成的居民点,他们的公共活动将依赖小城市或镇。
弱省。各省不应再建立政府,而设立中央政府的派出机构。可增加省级行政区域的数量,其辖区范围和具体数量由全国人民代表大会授予国务院自行调整的权力。当经济发展到一定水平以后,部分区域可以不再设立省级派出机构,由市政府直接面对中央政府。现有特大型城市也直接面对中央政府。
虚县。县域范围不设立完全政府,可改为一级城市设立的派出机构。是否设立派出机构以及辖区范围大小,均由一级城市政府自行决定。在经济发达地区,可以逐渐使镇或小城市直接面对一级城市政府,不再设立县级派出机构。此举有利于我国按照客观经济联系发育一批小城市,形成国家经济繁荣的基础。
按照上述思路,中央政府的主要责任将集中在国家战略资源管理、全局性公共服务(基础设施、宏观调控、国家安全等)和转移支付几个方面,以实现国家安全、社会公正、经济稳定和可持续发展四大目标。这个办法将大大拓宽国家一级城市的自治空间,增强国家经济活力。
关键是要逐步发展民主政治
如果国家与社会的关系改革不到位,可能滋生激进平民主义政治力量;如果中央与地方关系改革不到位,可能滋生利用民主政治裂土为邦的激进地方主义或民族主义政治力量。所以,一定要在前述两方面改革取得相当成绩以后,方可在民主政治发展方面迈出关键步伐。
好在发展民主政治的措施可以包括许多内容,其中并非每个措施都充满了风险。这些措施也可以按照实施后果的风险大小排序:1.缩小公权范围,保护和扩大私人权利。当务之急是下决心解决土地财产权问题,改革的方向是放开产权交易,管住土地利用规划,建立多元化的土地财产权结构。在城市,要解决房屋业主和物业公司之间的关系,维护业主的合法权利。
2.区别政务员和公务员,发育职业政治家(政务员)队伍,稳定公务员队伍。政府主要官员和部门首脑作为政务员,其遴选应更大程度地向社会开放,让有社会威望的企业家或社会贤达有更多机会充任政府重要官员。公务员队伍是国家稳定、社会生活健康的基本支撑力量,要保障他们退休以后的生活水平。公务员在达到一定职级以后成为终身公务员,非本人违法或退休不能剥夺其公务员资格。政府主要官员和部门首脑(政务员)不从终身公务员中产生。
3.全方位地建立预防和惩治官场、职场腐败的制度,采用多种技术手段提高反腐败工作的效率。
4.大力提高全社会的组织程度,广泛发展各类民间组织。各类慈善机构、环保组织、文化组织、媒体机构、专业会社、社会团体俱乐部、企业家组织等可以大力发展,边发展边规范。规范宗教组织的发展。政府主要官员和部门首脑的遴选应向这些组织或机构中脱颖而出的社会贤达开放。政务员队伍的开放可以使政府官员拥有更多的官场以外的生存资源,有利于政治稳定。
5.逐步发展有竞争性的选举制度。在本文所提及的各种改革中,此项改革最具有风险性。所有其他改革可以为此项改革的推出逐步创造条件,这个过程乐观估计也需要20年左右。贸然突进这项改革,前述“改革不夭折、国家不分裂、社会不对抗、政权可持续”四项改革的底线将难以坚守。不去创造条件为这项改革建立基础,则改革是短视的、没有前景的。
![]() (Rungroj Yongrit/European Pressphoto angecy) |
IN THE PAST few weeks, the secretive nation of Burma suddenly landed on the world’s front pages, as small demonstrations by monks spiraled into massive protests and triggered a violent crackdown by the military government.
But behind the unrest also lies a larger explanation, one that makes the isolated country a critical test of foreign policy. Burma’s brutal ruling junta, which has long kept power through force and fear, is taking the next step and transforming itself into one of the world’s few totalitarian regimes.
It has recently moved beyond its years of authoritarian rule, in which it controlled politics but allowed some degree of personal freedom, toward more absolute control of its citizens’ lives. As totalitarian regimes die out in other parts of the world, Burma has been clamping down on the last vestiges of dissent, creating a personality cult around the junta’s leader, and isolating itself by moving Burma’s capital away from Rangoon to a remote town.
Burma’s transformation bucks the global trend away from such tightly repressive societies. For years, totalitarianism loomed as the West’s mortal enemy, a terrifying force that drove the massive purges of Stalinist Russia, the bizarre personality cult of Albania, and the wholesale eradication of intellectuals in Maoist China.
But in the years since the Cold War, totalitarianism has appeared to be in wide retreat. With the advent of mobile phones, satellite television, and cheap, fast Internet access, it has become nearly impossible for any government to totally isolate its people from the world, or to dominate their private lives.
In Laos, where the Communist government once created a personality cult around its revolutionary founder, city-dwellers can watch news reports about their country on television from Thailand. In China, the Communist Party continues to stamp out organized dissent but no longer tracks ordinary citizens’ every movement, and many people can afford to buy homes and give themselves a degree of domestic privacy. Even in North Korea, which spent decades walling itself off, cheap cellphones smuggled across the border from China have created some tiny cracks in Kim Jong-Il’s regime.
But in Burma, the junta has headed in the opposite direction. Last week’s protests most immediately speak to the sufferings of the average Burmese, but they also send an important signal at a moment when a handful of governments – including Zimbabwe and Venezuela – are showing fresh signs of totalitarian rule, building personality cults and infiltrating their citizens’ private lives. As it quickly becomes a central topic for the UN and the Bush administration, Burma will prove atest of whether these repressive regimes have any future at all.
Burma has been run by its military since the 1960s, when the armed forces took power in a coup. The army has always maintained a tight lid on political unrest. In Burma’s last big wave of protests, in 1988, the military allegedly killed thousands of demonstrators.
After 1988, the junta remained an authoritarian regime, controlling politics and savagely repressing opponents, most famously prodemocracy opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. But it still maintained some links to foreign nongovernmental organizations, governments, and businesses, giving Burma’s government and people some contact with the outside world. UN agencies had a major presence in Rangoon, and, at least for a time in the 1990s, foreign companies invested in Burma, hoping for a share of its significant offshore petroleum resources. The country even experienced a small tourism boom. The junta’s power was shared among its top three leaders, Than Shwe, Maung Aye, and Khin Nyunt.
In the past five years, however, that balance has begun to change. Than Shwe, described by Burmese exiles as a paranoid control freak, has consolidated more power around himself. Than Shwe turned on Khin Nyunt, the regime’s face to the outside world, throwing him under house arrest and jailing many of his supporters. (Than Shwe allegedly also has tense relations with Maung Aye.) Than Shwe has also begun dominating state-controlled television, which portrays him as a godlike figure blessing pagodas around the country. He has increased support for the Union Solidarity and Development Association, or USDA, a state-sponsored youth group reminiscent of Mussolini’s fascist youth organizations.
“Insiders say he wants to be remembered as a benevolent king,” writes Burmese analyst Aung Zaw. He notes that Than Shwe has been emulating Burma’s old absolute monarchs, who commanded total loyalty, built shrines to reflect their power, and made decisions on the advice of astrologers. Indeed, two years ago, and allegedly on the advice of his astrologer, Than Shwe moved the entire government from Rangoon to an obscure town in central Burma, where the regime is building a series of palatial complexes. The town’s name, Naypyidaw, means “abode of kings.”
The junta has limited communication inside Burma and access to technology. It has curtailed cellphones by making them prohibitively expensive for average Burmese, and created comprehensive Internet filtering, though activists have been able to smuggle out some photos of recent demonstrations.
Than Shwe also has placed severe limits on foreign organizations in Burma, essentially making it impossible for them to operate. In June, the International Committee of the Red Cross, unable to visit political prisoners in Burma, issued a rare censure of the Burmese government. Two years earlier, the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria pulled out of Burma, saying it was too difficult to work because the government was increasingly restricting the travel of aid workers.
Around the country, the USDA has stepped up its monitoring and intervention in the lives of average Burmese, harassing people if they even appear in private to be questioning the government.
The result is a paranoid regime increasingly divorced from the world, and even from most of Burma’s people, many of whom remain in Rangoon, the largest city. Having disregarded the advice of Burma’s few remaining technocrats, the regime has destroyed the economy: Rangoon suffers from frequent blackouts, and in some parts of the country as much as 60 percent of the population lives in poverty.
China, meanwhile, has actually helped prop up the Burmese government, providing aid to the regime despite Western sanctions, blocking UN resolutions designed to put more pressure on the junta, and regularly shipping arms to the brutal Burmese military. Today, China has become Burma’s most important foreign ally.
It’s possible that the Burmese regime’s isolation will start to undermine its ability to rule. In the past, some degree of openness probably allowed the Burmese regime to anticipate and forestall protests. Now, isolated in its jungle capital, the government may not have anticipated the impact of fuel increases on average people. The Burmese generals also may not have understood how growing military patronage for Burma’s Buddhist clergy, by building pagodas and supporting monasteries, infuriated many monks.
The generals made this mistake once before. In 1987 and 1988, when the military was ruled by Ne Win, another unpredictable dictator with a cult-like approach to governance, the regime suddenly declared certain currency notes worthless. (Ne Win also allegedly consulted astrologers before making major policy decisions.) This bizarre move sparked demonstrations in 1988 that drew millions of Burmese, ultimately triggering a harsh crackdown by the regime.
But that took place during the Cold War, and before the Internet and the rise of global nongovernmental organizations. In 1988, stories and photos from the Burma uprising took time to make their way into the foreign media, but today photos of the protests appear on foreign websites about Burma the same day. In 1988, repressive governments ruled much of Asia, so it was not surprising when few regional leaders stood up for the battered Burmese people. In 1988, the United States remained locked in a titanic struggle with the totalitarian Soviet Union, and all other conflicts took a lower priority.
Today, the situation is vastly different. Democracy has taken root in Asia, the Cold War is a relic, and the United States has committed itself to global democratization. Inside Burma, Than Shwe is attempting to turn back the clock, seemingly an impossible task.
But if Than Shwe stays in power, unchallenged by neighbors who covet Burma’s resources and unperturbed by a UN that refuses to sanction him, he may be able to extend his control of society. If so, he will show he is no anachronism – and provide an example to other tyrants still standing.
Joshua Kurlantzick is a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and author of “Charm Offensive: How China’s Soft Power is Transforming the World.” He can be reached at [email protected].
|
Falter Ego The Targets of Aggression NOAH’S ARK. The Ark of the Covenant. The Garden of Eden. Sodom and Gomorrah. The Exodus. The Lost Tomb of Jesus. All have been “found” in the last 10 years, including one within the past six months. The discoverers: a former SWAT team member; an investigator of ghosts, telepathy, and parapsychology; a filmmaker who calls himself “The Naked Archeologist”; and others, none of whom has any professional training in archeology. We are living in a time of exciting discoveries in biblical archeology. We are also living in a time of widespread biblical fraud, dubious science, and crackpot theorizing. Some of the highest-profile discoveries of the past several years are shadowed by accusations of forgery, such as the James Ossuary, which may or may not be the burial box of Jesus’ brother, as well as other supposed Bible-era findings such as the Jehoash Tablet and a small ivory pomegranate said to be from the time of Solomon. Every year “scientific” expeditions embark to look for Noah’s Ark, raising untold amounts of money from gullible believers who eagerly listen to tales spun by sincere amateurs or rapacious con men; it is not always easy to tell the two apart. The tools of modern archeology, from magnetometers to precise excavation methods, offer a growing opportunity to illuminate some of the intriguing mysteries surrounding the Bible, one of the foundations of western civilization. Yet the amateurs are taking in the public’s money to support ventures that offer little chance of furthering the cause of knowledge. With their grand claims, and all the ensuing attention, they divert the public’s attention from the scientific study of the Holy Land – and bring confusion, and even discredit, to biblical archeology. Unfortunately, when fantastic claims are made, they largely go unchallenged by academics. There have been some obvious exceptions, such as the recent film “The Lost Tomb of Jesus,” which inspired an outcry from scholars by claiming that archeologists had found, but not recognized, the tomb of Jesus more than 20 years ago. But much more common is a vast and echoing silence reminiscent of the early days of the debate over “intelligent design,” when biologists were reluctant to respond to the neocreationist challenge. Archeologists, too, are often reluctant to be seen as challenging deeply held religious beliefs. And so the professionals are allowing a PR disaster to slowly unfold: yielding a field of tremendous importance to pseudoscientists, amateur enthusiasts, and irresponsible documentary filmmakers. At a time when the world is increasingly divided by religion, both domestically and internationally, and when many people are biblically illiterate, legitimate inquiries into the common origins of religions have never been more important. I believe that the public deserves – and wants – better. We have an obligation to challenge the lies and the hype, to share the real data, so that the public discussion can be an informed one. It is time we take back our field. The first archeologicalendeavors in the Holy Land were conducted not by archeologists, but rather by theologians primarily interested in locating places mentioned in the Bible. Pride of place goes to the American minister Edward Robinson, who toured the Holy Land in 1838, accompanied by an American missionary named Eli Smith who was fluent in Arabic, in order to identify as many sites mentioned in the Bible as possible – in other words, to create a historical (and biblical) geography of Palestine. Others soon followed, including Sir Charles Warren, a British general who explored and recorded the features of Jerusalem in the 1860s. None of these men were archeologists, but they made important contributions to the field. Throughout much of the 19th century, the field of biblical archeology was dominated by men said to have been working with a Bible in one hand and a trowel in the other. The field soon became more scientific, thanks to the efforts of men like Sir William Matthew Flinders Petrie, who introduced into archeology the dual concepts of stratigraphy (when two succeeding cities are built one on top of the other, the lower one will always be earlier in time) and pottery seriation (pottery types go in and out of style, just like today’s clothes, and can be used to help date the stratigraphic levels observable at ancient sites). By the time Dame Kathleen Kenyon was excavating in Jericho and Jerusalem during the mid-20th century, archeology was in the hands of professionals trained not just in proper excavation techniques, but in the scientific method, and with years of schooling in ancient languages, cultures, and history. They also mastered bodies of literature and theory and spent years practicing their craft and being subjected to peer review. Theological motivation became less important. Today there are strict standards concerning excavations in every country in the Middle East. Permission to excavate must be obtained from the proper authorities, with presentation of a detailed research plan, good reasons given for the questions being examined, evidence of sufficient funding, and often a strategy for conservation of the site upon completion of the excavation. Peer review of any large funding proposals is obligatory. In short, it is a serious and highly competitive field. As a result, however, we have seen a rise of two cultures – the scientists and the amateur enthusiasts. Lacking the proper training and credentials, the amateurs are sustained by vanity presses, television, and now the Internet. For example, in 2006, Bob Cornuke, a former SWAT team member turned biblical investigator – and now president of the Bible Archaeology Search and Exploration (BASE) Institute in Colorado – led an expedition searching for Noah’s Ark. Media reports breathlessly announced that Cornuke’s team had discovered boat-shaped rocks at an altitude of 13,000 feet on Mount Suleiman in Iran’s Elburz mountain range. Cornuke said the rocks look “uncannily like wood. . . .We have had [cut] thin sections of the rock made, and we can see [wood] cell structures.” But peer review would have quickly debunked these findings. Kevin Pickering, a geologist at University College London who specializes in sedimentary rocks, said, “The photos appear to show iron-stained sedimentary rocks, probably thin beds of silicified sandstones and shales, which were most likely laid down in a marine environment a long time ago.” Then there is Michael Sanders, who has made a habit of using NASA satellite photographs to search for biblical locations and objects. From 1998 to 2001, Sanders announced that he had not only located the lost cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, but also the Garden of Eden, the Ark of the Covenant, and te Tower of Babel. Sanders describes himself on his website as a “Biblical Scholar of Archaeology, Egyptology and Assyriology,” but according to the Los Angeles Times, he “concedes that he has no formal archeological training.” Other newspaper accounts describe him as a “self-made scholar” who did research in parapsychology at Duke University. And we must not forget documentary filmmaker Simcha Jacobovici. He bills himself as “The Naked Archeologist” in a television series on the History Channel, but has repeatedly stated during media interviews that he is an investigative journalist rather than an archeologist. Jacobovici is perhaps best known for “The Lost Tomb of Jesus,” which first aired in March 2007 and which has been described by professor Jodi Magness of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill as making “a sensationalistic claim without any scientific basis or support.” In short, the amateur arena is full of deeply flawed junk science. Important issues are cloaked in legitimate-sounding terminology, little attention is paid to the investigative process, and contrary evidence is ignored. Biblical archeologists are suddenly finding themselves in a position similar to the evolutionary biologists fighting intelligent design – an entire parallel version of their field is being driven by religious belief, not research principles. The biologists’ situation makes the risk clear – they did not deign to mount a public refutation of the “science” of intelligent design for years, until it was almost too late, and thus anti-evolutionary science began making its way into the public schools. Why are we sitting the battle out? Partly, this is a matter of a strain of snobbery that runs through many academic fields: a suspicion of colleagues who venture too far from “serious” topics or appear in the popular media too often. Partly it is a matter of the uncertainty of the stories themselves: many biblical questions are so shrouded in uncertainty as to be inherently unsolvable. For example, even if the Garden of Eden once were a real place, and even if we knew the general location where it might have been, how would we know when we had found it? When most archeologists and biblical scholars hear that someone has (yet again) discovered Noah’s Ark, they roll their eyes and get on with their business. This can leave the impression that the report might be true. And partly it is because scientific findings may challenge religious dogma. Biblical scholarship is highly charged because the Bible is a religious book and any research carries the prospect of “proving” or “disproving” treasured beliefs. What if the Exodus might not have taken place as described in the Bible? Similarly, what will people do when told that there are identical stories to Noah and the Ark, but they were recorded between 500 and 1,000 years earlier sans Noah? And that the flood was sent because the people were too noisy and the Gods couldn’t sleep, not because people were evil and sinning? Or when you tell them that “an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth” was a concept expressed in Hammurabi’s Law Code nearly 1,000 years before the Bible? This is where it can get daunting for academics, for it is at this point that the ideologues frequently weigh in. And these pundits are often sophisticated and convincing debaters, which can make them intimidating opponents for a scholar. But we don’t need to go looking for Noah’s Ark to find confirmation of details found in the Bible. During the past century or so, archeologists have found the first mention of Israel outside the Bible, in an Eyptian inscription carved by the Pharaoh Merneptah in the year 1207 BC. They have found mentions of Israelite kings, including Omri, Ahab, and Jehu, in neo-Assyrian inscriptions from the early first millennium BC. And they have found, most recently, a mention of the House of David in an inscription from northern Israel dating to the ninth century BC. These are conclusive pieces of evidence that these people and places once existed and that at least parts of the Bible are historically accurate. Perhaps none of these is as attention-getting as finding Noah’s Ark, but they serve to deepen our understanding of, and appreciation for, the Bible. Religious archeologists and secular archeologists frequently work side by side in the Holy Land. Among the top ranks of researchers, there are evangelical Christians, orthodox Jews, and people of many denominations. It is not religious views that are the issue here; it is whether good science is being done. Biblical archeology is a field in which people of good will, and all religions, can join under the banner of the scientific process. Most archeological organizations, including the American Schools of Oriental Research, the Archaeological Institute of America, and the Society for American Archaeology, state that it is one of the obligations of professional archeologists to make their findings and discoveries generally available. But we need to do more than simply publish research if we are to successfully counter junk science. We need to take our information to the public not only via writing but also via radio, television, film, and any other available media. Remember that biblical mysteries are not just ancient history. For example, did Joshua really fight the Battle of Jericho and drive the Canaanites out of the land, as stated in the biblical account of the Israelite conquest of Canaan? If so, who was there first and to whom does the land really belong today? Does it matter? It does to many Palestinians, who exert a (dubious) claim as descendants of the Canaanites and Jebusites, and to many Israelis, who exert a similar claim based on their own understanding of their ancestors’ history. Remember, too, that archeologists who speak out can make a difference. “Disclaimer statements” have recently been posted on Bob Cornuke’s Web pages concerning the Ark of the Covenant, Noah’s Ark, and the location of Mount Sinai. Now, for instance, we find the statement that the BASE Institute “does not make the claim that we have found Noah’s Ark. We’ll let you draw your own conclusions. In our opinion, it’s a candidate. The research continues.” Even when our own investigations come up empty – we can’t solve all the mysteries in the Bible – we can present the current state of our evidence. And we can promote a shared methodology, and a shared body of facts, that can be used by everyone. The data and opinions that we provide may not end any debates, but they will introduce genuine archeological and historical data and considerations into the mix. We owe it to the ancient world, and to the people who inhabited it, to do no less. Eric H. Cline is the author of “From Eden to Exile: Unraveling Mysteries of the Bible.” He is chair of the department of classical and Semitic languages and literature at the George Washington University in Washington, D.C. He is also associate director (USA) of the ongoing excavations at Megiddo (biblical Armageddon) in Israel. He can be reached at [email protected]. 孙中山生前与《新青年》同人中的蔡元培、陈独秀、胡适、李大钊,都有过直接交往与合作,他对于“托名”鲁迅的《新青年》同人、教育部佥事周树人,却没有留下任何印象。出现在鲁迅笔下的孙中山,也与普通人的理解大不相同。 一、《中山先生逝世后一周年》 孙中山比鲁迅大15岁,两个人都是被奉为楷模的历史人物。鲁迅在孙中山生前,虽然站在国民党一边,直接参与了国民党元老李石曾、吴稚晖、徐谦、易培基等人所发动的驱逐女师大校长杨荫榆的学界风潮,却从来没有在作品中提到孙中山的名字。 鲁迅第一次公开谈到孙中山,是写作于1926年3月10日的《中山先生逝世后一周年》。这是他应国民党北京党部的机关报《国民新报》的约稿,为“孙中山先生逝世周年纪念特刊”而写的纪念文章。文章通过对于“我们大多数的国民”的贬低否定,把孙中山抬高为整个中华民国的“第一人”:“凡是自承为民国的国民,谁有不记得创造民国的战士,而且是第一人的?但我们大多数的国民实在特别沉静,真是喜怒哀乐不形于色,而况吐露他们的热力和热情。因此就更应该纪念了;因此也更可见那时革命有怎样的艰难,更足以加增这纪念的意义。” 接下来,鲁迅把矛头指向“几个论客”:“记得去年逝世后不很久,甚至于就有几个论客说些风凉话。是憎恶中华民国呢,是所谓‘责备贤者’呢,是卖弄自己的聪明呢,我不得而知。但无论如何,中山先生的一生历史具在,站出世间来就是革命,失败了还是革命;中华民国成立之后,也没有满足过,没有安逸过,仍然继续着进向近于完全的革命的工作。直到临终之际,他说道:革命尚未成功,同志仍须努力!” 为了证明孙中山的“革命”精神,鲁迅还专门引用了苏联共产党领袖人物托洛茨基的观点:“他是一个全体,永远的革命者。无论所做的那一件,全都是革命。无论后人如何吹求他,冷落他,他终于全都是革命。为什么呢?托洛斯基曾经说明过什么是革命艺术。是:即使主题不谈革命,而有从革命所发生的新事物藏在里面的意识一贯着者是;否则,即使以革命为主题,也不是革命艺术。” 按照1981年版《鲁迅全集》的注释,所谓“几个论客说些风凉话”,首先是1925年4月2日《晨报》所载署名“赤心”的文章《中山……》,其中写道:“孙文死后,什么‘中山省’、‘中山县’、‘中山公园’等等名称,闹得头昏脑痛,……索性把‘中华民国’改为‘中山民国’,……‘亚细亚洲’改称‘中山洲’,……‘国民党’改称‘中山党’,最干脆,最切当。”其次是1925年3月13日《晨报》所载梁启超的答记者问《孙文之价值》,“诬蔑孙中山先生一生‘为目的而不择手段’,‘无从判断他的真价值’。” 值得一提的是,当年的鲁迅与孙中山一样,是主张“为目的而不择手段”的一名“战士”。他在写给许广平的原信中表白说:“倘人权尚无确实保障的时候,两面的众寡强弱,又极悬殊,则又作别论才是。……叫喊几声的人独要硬负片面的责任,如孩子脱衣以入虎穴,岂非大愚么?……我以为只要目的是正的——这所谓正不正,又只专凭自己判断——即可用无论什么手段,而况假名真名之小事也哉,……” 在写于1933年12月28日的《答杨邨人先生公开信的公开信》中,鲁迅面对来自郭沫若、成仿吾、李初梨、潘梓年、蒋光赤等“革命文学家”的政治围剿,依然坚持这一观点:“革命者为达目的,可用任何手段的话,我是以为不错的,所以即使因为我罪孽深重,革命文学的第一步,必须拿我来开刀,我也敢于咬着牙关忍受。杀不掉,我就退进野草里,自己舐尽了伤口的血痕,决不烦别人傅药。” 二、《中山大学开学致语》 《中山大学开学致语》,是广州中山大学教务长兼文科教授鲁迅,专门为1927年3月出版的《国立中山大学开学纪念册》写作的表态文章,这也是他第二次公开提到孙中山的名字:“中山先生一生致力于国民革命的结果,留下来的极大的纪念,是:中华民国。但是,‘革命尚未成功’。为革命策源地的广州,现今却已在革命的后方了。设立在这里,如校史所说,将‘以贯彻孙总理革命的精神’的中山大学,从此要开始他的第一步。那使命是很重大的,然而在后方。中山先生却常在革命的前线。……结末的祝词是:我先只希望中山大学中人虽然坐着工作而永远记得前线。” 中山大学“贯彻孙总理革命的精神”,其实就是中国教育史上颇为著名的“党化教育”。在为中山大学专门负责“党化教育”的政治训育部所编印的《政治训育》第7期“黄花节特号”而写的《黄花节的杂感》中,鲁迅再一次提到孙中山。 所谓“黄花节”,就是用来纪念1911年4月27日即阴历3月29日在广州起义中牺牲的黄花岗七十二烈士的节日。中华民国成立后,曾经把每年的公历3月29日定为“黄花节”。鲁迅在文章中写道:“黄花节将近了,必须做一点所谓文章。但对于这一个题目的文章,教我做起来,实在近于先前的在考场里‘对空策’。因为,——说出来自己也惭愧,——黄花节这三个字,我自然明白它是什么意思的;然而战死在黄花冈头的战士们呢,不但姓名,连人数也不知道。” 为了表示自己与国民党当局在“党化教育”方面立场一致,鲁迅回忆说:“我还没有亲自遇见过黄花节的纪念,因为久在北方。不过,中山先生的纪念日却遇见过了:在学校里,晚上来看演剧的特别多,连凳子也踏破了几条,非常热闹。用这例子来推断,那么,黄花节也一定该是极其热闹的罢。” 为了达到“训育”的目的,鲁迅特别谈到孙中山的政治遗嘱:“以上的所谓‘革命成功’,是指暂时的事而言;其实是‘革命尚未成功’的。革命无止境,倘使世上真有什么‘止于至善’,这人间世便同时变了凝固的东西了。不过,中国经了许多战士的精神和血肉的培养,却的确长出了一点先前所没有的幸福的花果来,也还有逐渐生长的希望。倘若不像有,那是因为继续培养的人们少,而赏玩,攀折这花,摘食这果实的人们倒是太多的缘故。” 查《鲁迅日记》,1925年3月12日孙中山逝世当天的记录是:“晴。上午寄赵其文信。复许广平信。得梁生为信。午高歌来,……晚为马理子付山本医院入院费三十六元二角。晚吕蕴儒、向培良来,赠以《苦闷之象征》各一本。”1926年3月12日孙中山逝世一周年时的记录是:“晴,午后得寄野信,即复。晚紫佩来。”在1926年3月12日前后,《鲁迅日记》中并没有留下参加大型集会或观看演剧的记录。所谓“中山先生的纪念日却遇见过”,在鲁迅自己的《日记》中,并没有留下确凿的文本依据。 由于拒绝与《语丝》周刊同人、前厦门大学同事顾颉刚在中山大学共事,鲁迅于1927年4月21日愤然辞职并且搬出中山大学。在他此后发表的文章中,再也没有出现孙中山的名字。 三、孙中山的“足不履危地” 鲁迅笔下最早出现孙中山的名字,是在1925年4月8日致许广平的私信中:“改革最快的还是火与剑,孙中山奔波一世,而中国还是如此,最大原因还在他没有党军,因此不能不迁就有武力的别人。” 鲁迅笔下最后出现孙中山的名字,是在1935年2月24日致杨霁云信中:“中山革命一世,虽只往来于外国或中国之通商口岸,足不履危地,但究竟是革命一世,至死无大变化,在中国总算是好人。假使活在此刻,大约必如来函所言,其实在那时,就已经给陈炯明的大炮击过了。” “足不履危地”,是鲁迅对于孙中山最为真切的盖棺定论。比起“只往来于外国或中国之通商口岸,足不履危地”的孙中山,黄兴、陈炯明、赵声、秋瑾、徐锡麟这些人,才称得上是“常在革命的前线”冲锋陷阵的革命斗士。 长期居住在大上海的日本租界区的鲁迅,之所以要指出孙中山的“足不履危地”,根源于他极为复杂的革命意识。1928年,他在江湾实验中学演讲时回忆说:“人家叫我去革命,我却要问‘你呢’,当我年青时,人家叫我去暗杀,暗杀之后怎么样呢,我想不出……” 另据增田涉介绍,鲁迅晚年曾对他说过,“他在从事反清革命运动的时候,上级命令他去暗杀某要人,临走时,他想,自己大概将被捕或被杀吧,如果自己死了,剩下母亲怎样生活呢,他想明确知道这点,便向上级提出了,结果是说,那样地记挂着身后的事情,是不行的,还是不要去吧。”然而,当增田涉把这段话写入《鲁迅传》并请鲁迅审定时,鲁迅把它删除了。 在此之前,鲁迅也曾经向许广平表白说:“革命者叫你去做,你只得遵命,不许问的,我却要问,要估量这事的价值,所以我不能做革命者。”当许广平问到关于暗杀的意见时,鲁迅的回答是:“第一,这不是少数人所能做,而这类人现在不多,即或有之,更不该轻易用去;还有,是纵使有一二回类此的事件,实不足以震动国民,他们还很麻木,……第二,我的脾气是如此的,自己没有做的事,就不大赞成。” 在《学界的三魂》中,鲁迅对于暴力革命另有解释:“中国人的官瘾实在深,……总而言之:那魂灵就在做官,——行官势,摆官腔,打官话。顶着一个皇帝做傀儡,得罪了官就是得罪了皇帝,于是那些人就得了雅号曰‘匪徒’。学界的打官话是始于去年,凡反对章士钊的都得了‘土匪’,‘学匪’,‘学棍’的称号,……然而国情不同,国魂也就两样。记得在日本留学时候,有些同学问我在中国最有大利的买卖是什么,我答道:”造反。‘他们便大骇怪。在万世一系的国度里,那时听到皇帝可以一脚踢落,就如我们听说父母可以一棒打杀一般。“ 在随后写作的《通信》里,鲁迅又表白说:“我到中山大学的本意,原不过是教书。然而有些青年大开其欢迎会。我知道不妙,所以首先第一回演说,就声明我不是什么‘战士’,‘革命家’。倘若是的,就应该在北京,厦门奋斗;但我躲到‘革命后方’的广州来了,这就是并非‘战士’的证据。不料主席的某先生——他那时是委员——接着演说,说这是我太谦虚,就我过去的事实看来,确是一个战斗者,革命者。于是礼堂上劈劈拍拍一阵拍手,我的‘战士’便做定了。拍手之后,大家都已走散,再向谁去推辞?我只好咬着牙关,背了‘战士’的招牌走进房里去,想到敝同乡秋瑾姑娘,就是被这种劈劈拍拍的拍手拍死的。我莫非也非‘阵亡’不可么?” 由此可知,在鲁迅的革命意识中,是充满着行动上的拒绝与思想上的怀疑的,用他自己的话说:“凡做领导的人,一须勇猛,而我看事情太仔细,一仔细,即多疑虑,不易勇往直前,二须不惜用牺牲,而我最不愿使别人做牺牲(这其实还是革命以前的种种事情刺激的结果),也就不能有大局面,……” 鲁迅笔下的孙中山,只是他的一家之言。要评价孙中山在中国政治史上不可替代的历史贡献和历史地位,应该依据他作为同盟会创始人和国民党最高领袖的历史事实,而不是“足不履危地”的片面事实,以及“在中国总算是好人”之类既难以量化又难以操作的道德判断。要评价鲁迅在中国文学史上不可替代的历史贡献和历史地位,也同样不应该采用“足不履危地”的片面事实,以及“在中国总算是好人”之类的道德判断,而应该依据他作为现代杂文和现代短篇小说的开拓者的历史事实。 |