海洛英:一个人的晚宴

 

当童心消失不再为新衣和压岁钱心动,当新年来临不再高呼“我又长大了一岁”而是倍感岁月潮涨的威胁,当享受上一代为你准备新年转换成了你为下一代操劳,当新年的激动被机械重複但平淡宁静的心情沖刷,每一个新年也就年复一年地以同一种方式重複度过,新年这一天也就成了如其它三百六十四天一样普普通通平平常常的日子。

中国大陆有一台“春节联欢晚会”为十几亿人年复一年地烹煮着一锅又一锅文娱大杂烩,澳洲庆祝圣诞节总会一年又一年不厌其烦地在圣诞前夜搞一台叫作Carols by Candle Lights的莺歌燕舞晚会,每年庆祝新年也总是不出意料地会在悉尼和墨尔本放上或火树银花或星星点点的烟火,以高呼和惊叫向人们提醒:新年又来了!新年已经成了一个古老的空壳形式,每一个新年的庆祝内容也大同小异年年相仿。

华人庆祝春节和西人庆祝圣诞节,从形式到内容年年相似。但是,竟然会有一档节目从形式到内容每年都是完完全全的一样,并且这样的重複已经持续了43年,没有人抱怨过没有人发过牢骚,相反全球每年有几亿人都会在新年前夜痴痴地守候在电视机旁等待着这档年年不变的节目。

这一档节目,不是英国女王给英联邦臣民们的新年讲话,不是美国总统新年前夜的炉边贺辞,不是澳洲总理的新年电视祝贺,也不是本拉登威胁全世界的新年恐怖录像,而是一部叫作“一个人的晚宴”(Dinner for One)或“90岁生日”只有18分钟的黑白短剧。

这部短剧,由英国剧作家Lauri Wylie於1920年代创作,1963年7月德国NDR电视台录制了由英国喜剧演员Freddie Frinton 和 May Warden演出的这齣英语短片,并成为德国的传统保留节目,全国每年会有一半的人观看,欧洲其它国家特别是斯堪德纳维亚国家都会在新年前夜播放这部短片。这部英语短剧,成了重複次数最多的电视节目,被收进了《吉尼斯世界纪录大全》;据统计,单单2003年新年前夜此剧就在不同的频道上播出了19次,截止2005年新年前夜已被重複播出了230多次。它已经走出德国和北欧,进入了瑞士、南非和澳洲寻常百姓家的新年前夜;澳洲SBS电视台从1989年开始在每年新年前夜的固定时间播放“一个人的晚宴”,至今已有17年的历史。

“一个人的晚宴”讲述的是一位英国上层社会老妇人Miss Sophie庆祝她90岁生日,她像往年一样邀请了好友Mr Pommeroy, Mr Winterbottom, Sir Toby和Admiral von Schneider庆祝这一特殊的日子,不同的则是她的这些好友早已作古,她的90岁生日晚宴的客人位子完全形同虚设,这晚宴是地地道道的“一个人的晚宴”。Miss Sophie在上每道菜时都要辅佐以美酒,形同虚设的客人的盃子则被实实在在地斟满,管家James重任在肩:他得代表四位客人向主人祝贺并饮酒;就这样,菜上四道,酒斟了四巡,James喝了16盃酒,近乎醉倒。

“一个人的晚宴”剧情比较简单,但最令人传诵的就是剧中多次重複的台词: “same procedure as last year(步骤和去年一样), Miss Sophie?” “Same procedure as every year(步骤每年都一样), James.” 使得“same procedure as last year”成了德国家喻户晓的口头语.

这一台词,事实上已经初步具有了存在主义的意识和荒诞剧的雏型,反映了人们已经开始对於日常司空见惯的事情有了反思的意识:人们每天每月每年所做的事情,在小的时间概念中显得无比突出令人激动万分,但是如果放到大的时间维度之中去看的话,会发现其实不过是在重複着过去同样的事情,是在浪费时间浪费生命。然而,发现了这个存在的真理抑或存在的荒谬,人们还是无能为力,还得年复一年地重複着去年的一切。

如果从存在主义积极的角度来看,“一个人的晚宴”给人的启迪在於:一切新的东西其实都隐藏在反复重複的迷藏之中。虽然发现了存在的荒谬,但还得积极而又潇洒地存在下去,该重複的还得重複,该邀请的还得邀请(不管他们是在世还是作古),这人生的晚宴再晚也要开席!

几十年之后,当你我独自庆祝新年时,我们不会孤单,我们有“一个人的晚宴”相伴,我们可以学习索菲亚小姐邀请新友旧鬼同开人生晚宴,像苏东坡那样“独邀明月,对影三人”,那将是何等地浪漫何等地富有诗意和禅味呀。

人生不孤独也不寂寞,就看你我如何看待、以何种态度活着了,即使“一个人的晚宴”也照样可以开得充满笑声生气勃勃的。

 

井 蛙:阿姆斯特丹旅馆

 

   1.
   
   
   
   安静啊,让我享有安静的午夜
   
   人们该停止诅咒了
   
   
   
   时钟在旧金山渔人码头响起
   
   我的栖息之所
   
   你是我唯一的栖息之所
   
   
   
   宽大的胸怀
   
   带着异邦人士惯有的自卑
   
   你吻我了
   
   
   
   几个表情暗淡的路宿者
   
   他们也希望吻我
   
   
   
   可是,我需要安静
   
   一些葡萄汁一样的冰凉
   
   渗进我的肌肤底层
   
   
   
   风
   
   只有短暂的一丝
   
   掀开我的内衣
   
   
   
   我并不羞涩
   
   我爱你
   
   在无数个无家可归的时刻
   
   在你身体里寻找失眠
   
   
   
   我确实憔悴极了
   
   你没看见吗
   
   
   
   我的额头本来闪烁天才的光华
   
   现在,是一棵焉谢的狗尾草
   
   上面有被收割的痕迹
   
   
   
   也有被困绑的罪证
   
   
   
   
   
   2.
   
   
   
   我是乞丐
   
   握一束像狗一样难看的狗尾草
   
   站立
   
   
   
   向贫穷看齐
   
   我开始施舍
   
   给路过的每一个没穿衣服的人
   
   
   
   他们没有衣服
   
   没有一切可以遮羞的布匹
   
   
   
   我说,阿姆斯特丹旅馆是个好地方
   
   它是旧金山的灵地
   
   
   
   没人回头看我一眼
   
   没有人需要道德
   
   
   
   他们愿意这样与我友好地对视
   
   
   
   一个夜晚蔓延
   
   许多个夜晚被拉近
   
   
   
   晚钟临近黎明了
   
   我快死了
   
   
   
   3.
   
   
   
   你紧紧地抱着一个加州苹果发呆
   
   你在看
   
   别人的胸脯
   
   
   
   我告诉你
   
   我已经失去了安静
   
   安静是我终生的信仰
   
   
   
   我吐血了
   
   一地都是与你偷情的玻璃片
   
   我的脸
   
   
   
   画满了逃亡的草图
   
   我剩下最后一件能窥见月色的衣衫
   
   
   
   也被你轻轻剥下
   
   
   
   不啊,是我自己
   
   挑逗你多余的无聊
   
   
   
   你在外面逛了几个时辰
   
   没敢
   
   骚扰我
   
   
   
   我其实多么爱你
   
   我爱一个身无分文的人
   
   
   
   你会把我当成你全部的忧郁
   
   
   
   我会在此
   
   永久居住
   
   我是永久客人
   
   
   
   你是我的永久之恋
   
   我的恋人,明天不要忧郁
   
   
   
   4.
   
   
   
   三月离开
   
   那就是雨水嘀嗒的时候了
   
   
   
   我会送你
   
   很多轮船队列
   
   
   
   你也来送我
   
   你走了
   
   我的爱情也消逝
   
   
   
   我会抱住自己的体温思念你
   
   
   
   祈祷,默念
   
   你的到来与你的离去
   
   
   
   这里,阿姆斯特丹旅馆肃立了纪念碑
   
   曾经
   
   一个举世闻名的夜行人
   
   
   
   流泪
   
   为了一刻钟的安静
   
   不松手
   
   
   
   我要攥紧你的大拇指
   
   找到疼痛的位置
   
   
   
   你走吧
   
   
   
   走后
   
   
   
   别
   
   哭。
      
    
   
   2007-1-28 SAN
D BEACH

何德普在狱中继续坚持维权

何德普在狱中继续坚持维权

——何德普妻子2月1日的来信 

贾建英 

 

【2007年2月2日狱委讯】德普在07年1月8日给司法部部长吴爱英写了一封信,内容是关于反映 监狱的伙食问题(每个月每人127元/2006年至今;1996年是124元/ 月),犯人们每天只吃点水煮白菜、萝卜、土豆,长期下去营养不良,身体虚弱。 

“监狱的硬件存在着问题,犯人放风的场地不足,(北京二监)三个 
中队才有一个象篮球场大的户外活动场地,每个中队一个星期只能放 
两次风,每次30~60分钟。有时因为天气或狱警的工作忙不能保障。 
身体活动得不到保障。” 

德普建议:将犯人的伙食费由现在的127元/月,提高到300元/月。每 
周两次放风改为每天放风一次。 

伙房的经营权应该由社会上的公司来承办。监狱伙房工作的社会化、 
公开化是维护犯人健康权利的最直接、最具体、最关键的改革措施。 

他说:犯人的健康权利得到尊重和维护是体现我国宪法中“国家尊重 
和保障人权”的重要标志,而服刑人员的伙食和放风的质量与他们的 
健康状况又有着最直接的关系。 

(贾建英:[email protected];86-10-6835-5230) 

 

China at sea

China at sea

Jonathan Mirsky


Edward L. Dreyer
ZHENG HE
China and the oceans in the early Ming dynasty 14041433
238pp. Longman. Paperback, £12.99.
0 3210 8443 8

During the early years of the Ming dynasty (13681644), the Chinese eunuch Zheng He was the commander of the greatest state-directed voyages in the age of sail. Zhengs seven vast armadas, with crews and soldiers numbering about 27,000, included the largest wooden ships ever built. Beginning in 1405, these voyages were the first projection of Chinese Imperial power by sea over vast distances, reaching across the Indian Ocean to the eastern shores of Africa. They were also the last.

Edward L. Dreyer, a well-known Ming historian, comprehensively examines this stupendous story in his book Zheng He. As he says, his account rests squarely on Chinese primary sources, of whose complexities he has masterful control. This mastery extends to details of naval architecture, court hierarchies and maritime geography that for the most part interest only specialists. But some of the information is staggering. Of the well over 200 ships in each armada, more than sixty were 385440 feet long. The number of Ming ships, which Professor Dreyer considers to have been huge shallow-draught river barges, overshadows the Spanish Armada; in size, they dwarfed British ships-of-the-line such as Nelsons Victory. Most of the 27,000 men in the fleet were soldiers, intended to overawe any ruler or potentate wherever the Chinese fleet appeared.

Eunuchs were important to the early Ming rulers, who prized their exclusive loyalty to the Emperors and recruited hundreds, perhaps thousands, of them for court duties. Traditional Confucian officials despised them, partly because eunuchs created no offspring, partly because they were said to be deeply corrupt, and partly out of envy. Nothing is known of Zhengs character apart from what his career implies, and the facts of his personal life are meagre. Born into a famous Muslim family in Yunnan, Zheng He (13711433) was castrated as a boy and sent to serve the prince who became the Yongle Emperor (who reigned from 1402 to 1424). When the prince fought the Mongols along the northern frontiers, Zheng He was at his side, admired for his intelligence, bravery and bulk. He may have been chosen to command the armadas because his Muslim background (although he became a devout Buddhist) would please many of the rulers along the shores of the Malay-Indonesian waters and the Indian Ocean, men well known to generations of Chinese sailors. In some Ming sources, Dreyer points out, Zheng He is exempt from the usual condemnation of eunuchs, although, and I hope Dreyer meant this to be a comical aside, he later became just another eunuch as far as Confucian opinion was concerned.

There have been many theories about Zheng Hes voyages. He was, and remains, the symbol of Chinas sea power in a period of Chinas historical greatness. The most recent theory, masquerading as fact, is the fantasy, disputed by all authorities, of the retired Royal Navy submariner Gavin Menzies in his best-selling 1421: The year China discovered the world (2002). Menzies claimed that Zheng Hes sixth voyage reached the western shores of the Americas and sailed home across the Pacific. Dreyer briskly rejects this nonsense: There is no evidence for any of this in the Chinese sources, which do document the return of the sixth expedition in 1422. Other explanations, some of them very early, suggest that the reigning Emperor Yongle was searching for vanished rival or that he was fascinated by exploration. In more modern years, especially after the humiliations of foreign dominance in the nineteenth century, Chinese nationalists contended that if China was once the mightiest naval power on the planet, it could be so again. In recent years, Beijing has claimed that Zheng He’s benign voyages, and contacts with rulers throughout South-East Asia and along the east coast of Africa, parallel the People’s Republic’s slogan of “China’s peaceful rise”. Dreyer dismisses such “sentimentalising” that prefers, he says, Chinese tranquil history to the violent expansion of the West. Although here, I think, he is unfair to the late Joseph Needham, who in Volume Four Part Three of Science and Civilisation in China, suggested that “while the entire Chinese operations [of Zheng He] were those of a navy paying friendly visits to foreign ports, the Portuguese east of Suez engaged themselves in total war”. But Needham correctly avers – as does Dreyer – that Zheng He engaged in three battles, one of them a sensational victory over a pirate force whose much-feared chief was carried back to the Ming capital and executed. Portuguese and other Western expansion into Eastern oceans, based in part on firepower, was far more violent than that of the Ming fleets, which established no colonies, enslaved no rulers or subjects, and made no attempt to corner the goods of the East for China alone.

Dreyer emphasizes that the Yongle Emperor intended, in the words of the “Mingshi”, the official history of the Ming, “to display his soldiers in strange lands in order to make manifest the wealth and power” of Ming China. In different formulations this was also Needham’s view.

While it is true that Zheng He brought back, for the exclusive use of the Ming household, lions, leopards, ostriches and giraffes, spices and minerals – his largest vessels were called Treasure Ships – the purpose of the voyages, as the main authorities now agree, was to enfold distant rulers, some of whom sent their envoys to China on Zheng He’s ships, in the ancient Chinese “tribute system”. According to this tradition the Emperor, ruling from the centre of the world, by his virtue and splendour attracted foreigners to his Court. There they presented him with their goods, deemed to be “tribute”, and performed the kowtow. In exchange, the Emperor bestowed on visiting rulers and their envoys goods exceeding in value what he received. As Dreyer and others have pointed out, this process permitted thinly disguised trade. After Zheng He’s voyages, there were no further tribute missions from rulers around the Indian Ocean.

When the Ming frontier armies fought losing battles with the Mongols and sent equally unsuccessful armies against the Vietnamese, this may have reflected, especially in the case of Yongle, an impulsive expansionism; the same impulse that inspired him to command Zheng He’s fleet to sail along centuries-old trade routes to display Chinese power, and make trade safer from the Malay-Indonesian waters to southern India and beyond. Historians have long debated why the Ming voyages were terminated – in 1436, the construction of deep-sea vessels was banned – and their logs either destroyed or concealed. Dreyer provides the most likely reasons. Apart from merchants, venturing far across “blue water” was an aberration in China’s long tradition of focusing on its land borders. Zheng He’s armadas were not a “navy”, for which there was no Ming department. The voyages were expensive, costing far more than the “tribute” they gained. The presence of eunuchs at Court and as champions of the voyages, on which some of them, as well as Zheng He, played leading roles, also made the Confucians despise the armadas. This hatred of eunuchs may explain why the plans for the ships disappeared, perhaps were destroyed, although this is not certain. And when the Ming capital moved permanently from Nanjing to Beijing, and China once again became inward-looking, Overseas meant out of mind, as far as official China was concerned.

This is indeed a stupendous story, and Dreyers learned and often vividly written book lays out its details and ramifications. It will be the last word for some time to come. His conclusions are vigorous and profound. Had the Chinese maintained their great armadas, Vasco da Gama and his successors would have found a powerful navy in control of the Indian Ocean. Instead China withdrew from the sea . . . . After Yongles grandson, the Emperor Xuande, died, none of the eleven succeeding Ming Emperors cared about the Western Ocean and its countries, and their eunuchs did other things. True enough, but as Edward Dreyer says of Zheng He, he is likely to sail on forever in our imaginations.

The Plot Thickens

The Plot Thickens

A New Book Promises an Intriguing Twist to the Epic Tale of ‘Doctor Zhivago’

By Peter Finn


Washington Post Foreign Service
Saturday, January 27, 2007; C01

MOSCOW Into one of the most sordid episodes in Russian literary history, the Soviets’ persecution of Boris Pasternak, author of “Doctor Zhivago,” a Russian historian has injected a belated piece of intrigue: the CIA as covert financier of a Russian-language edition of the epic novel.

Ivan Tolstoy, who is also a broadcaster for Radio Liberty and Radio Free Europe, writes in a forthcoming book that the CIA secretly arranged for the publication of a limited Russian-language edition of “Doctor Zhivago” in 1958 to help Pasternak secure the Nobel Prize in Literature that year.

“Pasternak’s novel became a tool that was used by the United States to teach the Soviet Union a lesson,” Tolstoy said in a telephone interview from Prague, where he works as a Russian commentator for the U.S. government-funded radio stations. The novelist knew nothing of the CIA’s action, according to Tolstoy and the writer’s family.

Tolstoy said his book, “The Laundered Novel,” is based on more than a decade of research and will be released later this year, the 50th anniversary of the publication of “Doctor Zhivago.” He previewed its contents in a recent lecture in Moscow.

A CIA role in printing a Russian-language edition has been rumored for years. Tolstoy offers the first detailed account of what would rank as perhaps the crowning episode of a long cultural Cold War, in which the agency secretly financed literary magazines and seminars in Europe in an effort to cultivate anti-Soviet sentiment among intellectuals.

A CIA spokesperson said the agency would have no comment on Tolstoy’s account. The agency’s files on its cultural underwriting in Europe remain closed, historians said. An official at the Swedish Academy, which chooses the Nobel winner in literature, said that materials on the prize committee’s internal deliberations are sealed for 50 years. The Pasternak file will not become public until 2009.

The CIA connection has dismayed Pasternak’s family and sparked a feud with Tolstoy, himself the grandson of an acclaimed Soviet-era novelist, Alexei Tolstoy.

“It is a detail hardly worth mentioning, a cheap sensation,” said Yevgeny Pasternak, the author’s 84-year-old son and an editor of his collected works, in an interview at his Moscow apartment. “I can add that my father knew nothing about this game. There is no doubt he would have won the prize anyway — in 1959.”

Pasternak, also a renowned poet, finished “Doctor Zhivago” in 1955 and submitted the novel to a Soviet publishing house for consideration. The story of a man torn between two women against the backdrop of the Russian Revolution was rejected.

But Soviet-era documents published in 2001 show that even in unpublished manuscript form it was hardly ignored. “Boris Pasternak’s novel is a malicious libel of the USSR,” wrote Soviet Foreign Minister Dmitry Shepilov in an August 1956 memo to members of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. In a memo of its own, the KGB offered the opinion that “a typical feature of his work is estrangement from Soviet life and a celebration of individualism.”

Other Soviet papers show that the KGB knew that Pasternak was looking abroad as well and had reached a deal with the Italian publisher Giangiacomo Feltrinelli to issue the novel in Italian.

In the months leading up its publication date in late1957, the Soviet authorities called on Italian communists to urge Feltrinelli, himself a communist, not to go forward with it.

Pasternak was pressured into sending Feltrinelli telegrams telling him he was withdrawing his consent for publication. But Pasternak sent separate, secret letters to Feltrinelli urging him to go ahead despite what his officially encouraged cables might have said, according to extensive correspondence between the two that is quoted in a memoir of Feltrinelli by his son, Carlo.

In early November 1957, just days after Feltrinelli received a letter from Pasternak scolding him for lack of decency because of his determination to publish, Pasternak secretly wrote how happy he was that the Italian was not “fooled by those idiotic and brutal appeals accompanied by my signature (!), a signature all but false and counterfeit insofar as it was extorted from me by a blend of fraud and violence.

“We shall soon have an Italian ‘Zhivago,’ French, English and German ‘Zhivagos’ — and one day perhaps a geographically distant but Russian ‘Zhivago’!”

Pasternak had been nominated for the Nobel Prize for his poetry every year between 1946 and 1950. The novel, which after the Italian edition appeared in English and French, received almost universal acclaim abroad, rekindling interest in Pasternak as a potential laureate. In 1958, he was nominated again for the prize by the previous year’s winner, the French writer Albert Camus.

But there was still no Russian-language edition of “Doctor Zhivago,” and the Swedish Academy required that any work under consideration be submitted in its original language, Tolstoy said. Soon a Russian “Zhivago” appeared at the academy, bearing the name of Feltrinelli as publisher. But the Italian house had not printed it.

In the memoir, Carlo Feltrinelli wrote that his father had suspected a CIA hand in the pirated edition. The agency “allegedly photographed the typescript at the Malta airport when the plane Feltrinelli was traveling in made a bogus emergency landing,” the younger Feltrinelli wrote in his book “Feltrinelli: A Story of Riches, Revolution, and Violent Death.”

Later, in a 1970 article for the Sunday Times of London, the elder Feltrinelli wrote that “while the literary world was acclaiming ‘Doctor Zhivago’ and its author, I became aware of the first signs of a battle between me and a number of persons and institutions (all connected with the same circle of anti-Soviet activities that in one way or another were connected to the CIA). It would seem that someone had printed an edition at the request of some Russian emigres in Paris who had certain ties with Americans.”

According to Tolstoy, among those seeking a Russian-language copy in 1958 was Nikolai Nabokov, secretary-general of the Congress for Cultural Freedom. The organization, based in Paris, was exposed in the 1960s as a leading vehicle of the CIA’s attempt to woo anti-Soviet intellectuals in Europe.

Carlo Feltrinelli remains skeptical that any such secret publication was aimed at the judges in Stockholm. “If there were some fake copies, if there was some CIA edition, I still don’t see the connection with the Nobel Prize,” he said in a phone interview from Milan, where he runs the company founded by his father.

Tolstoy said that he tracked down the Russian emigre who typeset the book, found the publishing house that printed it, and interviewed ex-CIA operatives to unravel a web of agency deceptions behind the publication. The forthcoming book “has all concrete details,” said Tolstoy, who added he was not going to steal his own thunder by revealing all his evidence in advance of publication.

The Soviets, certainly, had no doubt that the writer hadWestern promoters. “In the summer of 1958, a large campaign to award Pasternak a Nobel prize was initiated by Americans and launched in the West,” wrote a KGB official in a memo to the Central Committee of the Communist Party. “All reactionary and anti-Soviet forces took an active part in this campaign.”

Pasternak won the prize on Oct. 23, 1958, “for his notable achievement in both contemporary poetry and the field of the great Russian narrative tradition.”

“Infinitely grateful, moved, proud, amazed and confused,” wrote Pasternak in a telegram hurriedly sent to the Swedish Academy.

“He was very happy for a few hours,” recounted his son.

But Soviet authorities quickly unleashed a torrent of abuse on the celebrated author. He was forced to turn down the honor and was expelled from the Writers’ Union, where 29 members, including some old acquaintances, spoke against him.

Tolstoy argues that the Nobel Prize kept Pasternak out of prison because such a punishment would have been too embarrassing internationally for the Soviets. “The KGB wanted to destroy him,” said Tolstoy. “A Russian publication and a Nobel Prize were necessary to save him.”

That is an interpretation that Pasternak’s son contests. He said the writer’s health, already fragile, buckled under the official onslaught. Boris Pasternak died of cancer in 1960 at the age of 70.

“Some of his friends believed that it would be fine if he got the prize one year later — the scandal would be over and everything would be quieter,” said his son, who accepted the honor on his father’s behalf in 1989. “I don’t know.”

谁家没有几头猪呢

 

《聊斋·佟客》里的末尾,附着一个笑话,说有个捕快,发现老婆偷汉子,很是愤怒,丢了根绳子给老婆,让她自尽。他那老婆老婆倒是胆色非凡,要求化个妆再死。捕快同意了,一边喝酒一边等着。等她老婆打扮地花枝招展,哭着盈盈一拜说道:“君果忍令奴死耶?”说着就进房开始打绳结了。结果那捕快酒杯一扔,喊道:“咍,返矣!一顶绿头巾,或不能压人死耳。”
  
据柏杨说这个故事其实脱胎于高欢和他老婆小尔朱氏的典故,小尔朱氏为羯族,有白种人血统,高鼻深目,想来也是美艳非凡;高欢不忍下手,却不一定是忍得住那顶绿帽子,更可能是胡俗对此根本不以为怪,且不说高氏父子胡天胡帝,光看小尔朱氏被流迁之后还能再嫁给卢景璋,这就根本不是汉俗所能想象的。所以,那位捕快同志的勇气着实可嘉。相对于对妇女的苛求,明清士人对待气节问题上对人都是按照节妇标准严格要求,对己则更普遍的宏扬捕快同志的精神。
  
这故事原本是蒲松龄用来讽刺解缙,他说“昔解缙与方孝儒相约以死,而卒食其言;安知矢约归后,不听床头人呜泣哉?”解缙与方孝儒相约以死,这个记载还没见过;不过靖难之时,解缙倒与胡广、王艮相约死节。当时吴溥与解缙、王艮、胡广都住得邻近,在城破之前四个江西老乡都跑到吴溥家议论,解缙和王艮都慷慨激昂,表示一定要赴死;而王艮独自垂泪。等三个人走了,吴溥的儿子和老爹讨论谁真的会去死,说“胡叔能死,是大佳事”,这个态度就好象是赞赏一个寡妇能死节,他老爹不同意,认为只有王艮真的会死——需要说明的是,吴溥和他儿子都没死节。等了会就听到隔壁胡广在对家里人喊:“把家里的猪看好(谨视豚)。”胡广同志在大难临头的时候还不忘照顾他的猪,表明他是个对生活充满热情的人,吴溥很肯定地说这样的人不会去死,否则就是连猪都不如了(一豚尚不能舍,肯舍生乎)。而王艮同学则回去和老婆说:“食人之禄者,死人之事,吾不可复生矣。”撇下老婆不管,磕药死了。至于大才子解缙同学呢,“缙驰谒”,还没等城破,这位慷慨陈辞表示一定要为祖国献身的才子跑着去拜见朱棣了。(这里还有个八卦,王艮和胡广同是江西吉安府人,结果建文二年高考的状元、榜眼和探花都被江西吉安府的人给包了。王艮取第一,可是建文帝嫌他长的丑,就让第二名的胡广做了状元——丑人就是弱势群体啊~~~需要说明的是,当年的探花江西老乡李贯也投降了朱棣——说明考试成绩好的人要么是丑八怪,否则都是政治上靠不住的小白脸。此条规律希望公务员招考中心能采纳)。
  
王艮的表现表明这个绿头巾在某一小部分人看来还是会压死人的——明朝还有个王艮,是泰州学派的创始人,他发挥孟子的“天下有道,以道殉身,天下無道,以身殉道,未聞以道殉人者也”,认为“以道殉人,妾婦之道也”。要用自己生命去维护一个信念,说明天下已经很无道了;假如牺牲自己的信念去迎合别人,那和女人没什么两样。
  
从捕快的角度说,假如这个绿头巾问题已经提高到“道”的高度,变成一种信念问题的话,唯一能做的就是把老婆休掉,怎么样也轮不到以别人的身来殉自己的道;从捕快老婆的角度来说,假如追求生命欢爱本身就是自己的信念自己的“道”,要自己自尽来迎合丈夫的要求,那根本就是“以道殉人”,最最低贱的行为。所以不但捕快老婆不自尽是“行道”,假如我们认为捕快把爱妻之情当成自己的道,那么他能和老婆和好如初也是“行道”——反倒要是他迫于于舆论压力,定要老婆自尽,那才是“以道殉人”。
  
以上故事教育我们,假如你的道德膨胀,信念坚挺,那么你就自己以身殉道好了,你可以学丑八怪王艮那样磕药死节,也可以像个节妇那样投井悬梁;但是你不可以逼着人家当忠臣节妇,非得一边嚷嚷着谁不死节谁就是反革命叛徒人渣,一边却回家开始数自己的猪,这样就太不厚道。深圳公安把妓女嫖客们拉上街游行的时候,怎么也该想想,谁家还没有几头猪呢。

 

钱钟书,琼瑶小说以及知识暴发户

 

看论坛上掐架,说的是鲁迅,王小波,钱钟书,架掐得没个所以然,自然最后又可以被人用仁者见仁智者见智的无聊老话总结过。但是发现有人为鲁迅,王小波反驳,对于钱钟书说的却甚少,许是《围城》很多人看过,但若被人奉上一句不足够伟大,却也让人无话可说,而其他的东西如管锥之类,看得人比较少,真的有人出来挑三捡四,到也无从反驳。不过我自己是比较喜欢《围城》这本书,不是最喜欢,也足够写上两句,想想自己为什么喜欢《围城》的理由,和读到过的别人的感观却不大相同,于是记录下来,也算是一个迟到了十几年的读书笔记。

很久很久以前,我那时候还读琼瑶小说,其中有一个故事叫做《秋歌》,里面有一段,我至今一直记得很清楚,一个富家男孩爱上了穷人家的女孩(这真是老掉牙的故事),有一天,男孩带女孩到他常去的一家餐厅去吃饭,然后就碰到了自己的姐姐和姐夫,姐姐和姐夫不知道女孩背景,很随意的打招呼,言语间对自己弟弟的女朋友,到也没什么怠慢之处,但是这个女孩立刻感觉浑身不自在,因为她观察到姐夫手里一直在玩一把高级跑车的车钥匙,那种漫不经心的随意姿态刺激了女孩,于是她回去和男孩就说我们不适合分手云云,后面的当然是琼瑶的大哭大闹的那一套,这里就可以不讲了,不过这是我人生我第一次意识到出身这种东西在一个人身上潜移默化的作用,和对另外一个世界的人的微妙的刺激。当时的我,满心为女孩倔强自尊的姿态而着迷,直到后来的日子里,才渐渐懂得,她的反应实在是有些过度了,却不能说是她的错,有时候很多观念上的差异,并没有那么大的是非,只是没有人能够选择自己生长在什么样的家庭里,所以没有对错,只有隔膜。

萨特说,存在决定意识,虽然钱财是身外之物,但有时候这身外之物给人的一生所带来的影响却是流淌在一个人的血液里,怎么也撇不清的,就像穷人,暴发户,和天生的富家子弟对待金钱势力的态度绝对不会一样,虽然穷人并非天生就该受鄙视,但是从个人角度而言,我往往会喜欢后者更多一些,我发现这些孩子心思总是要更单纯一些,因为他们在成长的岁月中,不需要练就很深的心机去抢夺生存资源。

这也是我所以喜欢钱钟书了,其实知识也和钱财一样同样是身外之物,有趣的是,他们有着异曲同工之妙,家学渊源的子弟身上所带有的那种纯粹干净的读书人的气质,就像贵族气质一样,不是猛读几本书就能够练就的,钱钟书抖落学识的姿态就像有钱人家的孩子玩车钥匙的姿态一样,有一种满不在乎的气质,随便抖抖,却也不是为了炫耀,因为没有人会很在乎的炫耀他从小浸淫的空气,那是只有暴发户才做得出来的事情,但就是这种满不在乎,也已经足够人诟病的了,特别是那种要靠很用功,很努力去读书,才能抬高自己一点点,才能抖落出来一点点东西的人,那些要靠读书,要靠抖落学识来赢得别人尊重的人,那些把读书当成很实用的比赛的工具的人,对他们来说,钱钟书这个老头,简直是可恶死了。所以就算不能在学识上批判他,就要尽可能的在其他方面批判他好了。

我偷偷的把这种人,叫做知识暴发户,其实这并不是一种人,而是一种读书的心态,而这种读书的心态,在现在我生活的这片土地上,很多人的心里或多或少都是有的。他们并不是坏人,他们甚至是可爱的人,有的是我的朋友,有的把读书这件事看得很重要,当然,是很重要的和人较量的工具。于是我就看着读书这么自我私密的事情,这么有趣的事情,有时候就成了论坛里互相贬低的由头,贬低得彼此又都无趣之极,成了肉博,若是碰到死磕的打法的,就互相背了大箩的书本,引经据典的一本一本朝对方的脑袋砸过去,若是碰到个剑走偏锋的打法的,除了读过点书还赚了点钱的,也出不了什么精彩来,无非就是卖狠卖得更厉害些,和穷酸书生比有钱,和有钱的比比读书罢了。总之就是要赢嘛,赢的是什么,也没个人知道。

这都什么和什么呢?我看得无聊,反倒想起围城里的一群书生来,在国破家亡的日子里尚且还能保持优雅,当初觉得他们都很复杂,现在从头看来,和现实的读书人来对比,方鸿建也好,杜辛眉也好,其实都是很单纯善良的读书人,也就是钱钟书这样的人写得出这样的一群人来,他虽然嘲讽,却并无心机,其实这和他自己的主人公一样,可能是有趣而无用的,但在今天,就连这有趣,也成了一种奢侈品了。这种骨子里流淌着读书人的血液的优雅风度,经了一个49年,再经一次十年,对于这片土地来说,简直是一种奢侈品,中国没有贵族,甚至也没有精神贵族。钱钟书的风度,虽然不似海明威那种硬汉式的压力下的风度,却也别有一番中国式的举重若轻,谁若说这优雅很容易,去看看现在报纸上的论战满篇你死我活的政治调调,去看看论坛里动不动就问候老母的掐架,甚至看看别人在给他压力的时候他自己的反应,他就知道,优雅二字,是何其难得了。

恶狠狠的读书,我有时候看到我身边带着痛苦的表情,读着好多艰深的大部头的书的朋友,就会想到这个词,其实爱读书的人会一不小心就成了知识暴发户,所以有钱钟书这样的人戳在那里有一个很大的好处,就是你会知道,你可以和人比掉书袋,可以和人比赛引经据典,比这些外在的东西,但是,一个读书人骨子里的干净和纯粹,那种浑然天成的优雅气质,和无所谓的态度,却不是一个心怀杂念的人能够比得了的。知道比不了,就可以放弃比较的心,炫耀的心了。就可以把读书这件事,放得低些,再低些,低到功利心都无趣了,褪去了,再看看自己还能不能读得下书,那时候,读书就反倒变成了快乐的事情了。而这个世界的很多快乐都是这样来的。