请问某些媒体,卡斯特罗是你们的爹么?

这阵子某些媒体对卡斯特罗的健康状况异常关心,前几天CCTV的播音员满脸喜色地向中国人报告:卡斯特罗的手术成功了。同时还播放了一段古巴官方的一段讲话。可能CCTV的心情不错,这条新闻用了不少时间。

在有报道称卡斯特罗身体不佳的时候,还有媒体强压悲伤的心情,说是古巴医生鉴定卡斯特罗能活140岁。这颗为卡斯特罗善祷善颂的孝心,足以惊天地泣鬼神。

昨天又有媒体兴奋地宣布卡斯特罗的手术非常成功,挫败了美国的阴谋。天啊,又不是美国人给他做手术,手术成功不成功关美国人屁事。再细细一看,原来是说卡斯特罗的健康可以抵御美国人在古巴推行民主的企图。

不由得再次想起CCTV经常播放的一首歌,那首歌颂封建皇帝的歌唱道:我还想再活500年。中国人的气魄着实了得,卡斯特罗已经从1959年1月1日起执政古巴至今47年了,卡氏曾经表示自己只想执政到100岁,也就是说再执政20年,然后退休用40年的时间颐养天年。这样的话,卡斯特罗将一共执政67年,美国不知道换了多少总统。中国人是想执政500多年,哪是古巴这蕞尔小国能比的。

某些中国媒体对卡斯特罗健康的关心,远远超过了对本国人健康的关心,包括本国领导人健康的关心,让人不禁想问:卡斯特罗是你爹么?

卡斯特罗在讲到为什么古巴要由他执政时说:“当我不再执掌古巴政权时,美国肯定会想尽一切办法来瓦解或者演变古巴。”

原来是为了古巴红色江山不变色,可惜,就算是卡斯特罗手术真的很成功,就算是卡斯特罗真能再执政20年,就算是卡斯特罗能活到140岁,最终他还是要死的。

无非就是多抵御个几十年吧。

任何国家如果把某种希望寄托在一个人身上都是令人悲哀的,因为人总是要死的。CCTV之流,就是天天为卡斯特罗爹祈祷祝福也仅仅是起到还能多撑几年的安慰作用。

但世界潮流终究还是会来的。

温克坚:经济发展与民主政治

如果不是痛恨那句著名的废话: 经济基础决定上层建筑, 上层建筑反过来影响经济基础–我不会想到来讨论这个大题目, 因为很显然, 这种大题目不是一篇短文所能承载的. 不过开始思考这个题目并跟朋友们做简单的交流之后, 我发现当这个题目以改头换面的形式出场的时候,一些莫名其妙的说法在很多人的认知中有相当高的”市场占有率”, 典型的有,”只要经济发展,专制政权就能维持”, “经济发展购买政治稳定”, “中共的政治合法性建立在经济发展之上”,权势阶层自己似乎认同这种说法, “发展是硬道理 , 这种浅薄的实用主义哲学甚至演绎成为只要GDP增长达到8%, 中共统治就是稳固的. 

 

这种论断的推论就是经济发展不但产生不了民主, 甚至是阻碍了民主政治的发展. 这就不是什么决定什么的废话了,这已经是公然侮辱我们常识的胡话了. 这种胡话让人无法接受. 

 

分析这种说法, 很明显就看出这种论断的逻辑贫乏: 经济发展是事实, 中共继续维持统治是事实, 硬生生的把两个事实扯到一起, 并赋予因果联系, 这大概是一些人认知的通病. 再没有比这种逻辑更可笑的.

 

回到概念本身,   经济权利是最基本的权利, 经济发展是个人真实权利的拓展。 哈耶克说过,控制了一个人的嘴巴, 也就控制了一个人的思想。以计划经济为特征的社会主义就是奴役之路 49年-79年之间的几十年,经济发展一塌糊涂, 但是专制体制对社会的控制最深入, 最有效,除了不间断的内部权力斗争, 从来没有形成实质性的民间对暴政的对抗。没有经济发展,  民众就没有了反抗暴政的能力, 今天的朝鲜,古巴是真实的例子, 人们依然伏倒在暴政的脚下,卑微的乞求填报肚子的食物。 今天的中国,随着经济的发展,专制体制虽然拥有了更多的经济资源, 但是重要的是人们不再为了食物,住房,工作,健康而感谢”党和政府”,个人主义和自由有了坚实的物质基础, 理性化政治观念开始形成。这种真实权利的形成和观念的变迁是极权主义最大的对手。

 

除了这个一般意义上的逻辑,我们还可以结合中国今天的一些现实来具体的分析.  

首先经济发展的推动力是私有经济,而私有经济面临的最大阻碍是权力剥夺和行政垄断。由于产权保护不充分, 私有经济无法在法律层面跟垄断权力抗衡, 而权力又以种种方式威胁着私有经济. 与政治垄断象对应的, 统治集团依然试图牢牢控制经济基础, 比如国资委辖下的180 多家垄断企业, 事实上控制着中国经济命脉. 经济要有所发展, 必须要在上述两方面有所突破, 比如权力高于法律的事实要改变, 垄断要打破. 对中共来讲, 很难在这些关键层面与经济发展获得双赢, 而必须是逐步交换自己的政治资源.  这好比是在整个社会的股权结构中 中共依然是一股独大, 但是股民并不买帐, 要吸引股民,提升股票的价值, 中共必须靠不断稀释股份来交换。 今天的中国,中共也许还保留着控股权,. 但是经济不断发展, 就会不断消解这种控股权。 .

 

其次逐步富裕的新生代精英阶层在现代理念的熏陶下, 已经不再满足于权力的恩赐, 他们希望拥有自己的一片阳光, 他们希望坦荡的维护自己的利益。这种利益驱动促使越来越多的企业家对公共事务的关注, 并开始谨慎的发言。 虽然这种发言传递的信息是有限的, 是迂回的。 但是很明显, 跟专制权力的逻辑是格格不入的。

有人曾经用精英联盟的模式来解释中共和其他精英阶层共生共荣的局面 这种解释在某个时间段上虽然有一定的解释力。 但是显然忽视了很多重要的信息。 首先,这种联盟并不是平等意义上的伙伴关系, 在权力精英面前, 其他精英阶层是弱小的,是依附性的,换句话说, 这种精英联盟是貌合神离的,是策略性的, 是脆弱的。 其次, 社会演进对这种联盟各方的效用是完全不一样的。 民主化潮流显然是特权阶层的坟墓, 但是民主化潮流跟经济精英的利益是完全兼容的, 宪政民主并不指向社会财富的再分配,而是政治权利的平等分配, 是政治规则的合理化和可以预期, 为经济发展设定更合理的制度环境。 这种指向跟经济精英的诉求并不矛盾。 那种认为专制体制下培养出来的经济精英必然维护专制体制的判断是武断的。

事实上, 权力阶层在这点上显示了难得的清醒,他们并不被这种联盟假象所迷糊。因此,这几年来,经济自由化改革已经名存实亡,权力阶层在核心经济控制权上死死不愿放松。

 

经济发展使深层次的社会问题凸显出来。政治垄断下的公民权利贫困, 使越来越多的公众无法分享经济发展的成果. 如果说10 多前的经济发展是一种帕类托改进的话, 那样这些年的经济发展呈现出强烈的掠夺性。首先是中共对于整个经济体的汲取能力和汲取份额远远超过经济增长的幅度,利用权力市场化的套路,党政官僚致富速度惊人,腐败普遍化。政府借助改革之名,把一些原来承担的公共责任,如教育,医疗等等给抛离。改革的成本,经济发展的成本却被转嫁到社会的底层。城市的弱势群体 , 广大的农民在经济发展时代迅速被边缘化。

这种变化后果之一是中共体制效能的急剧衰败。中共政权丧失了在公众面前残留的道义权威,执政能力娱乐化,政策执行效果大打折扣, 执行成本大大增加。 另外,中共自身整合能力递减,组成部分离心力增加;源源不断外逃的贪官就是例证。

后果之二是弱者的反抗。当社会不提供机会,法律不提供公正的时候,数量庞大的弱势群体显然不会坐以待毙。 事实上,他们是这几年风起云涌的维权运动的最大群体, 此起彼伏的群体性事件极大的消耗了专制当局的能量

 

我想上面的论述可以破除那个多少有些莫名其妙的论断: 经济发展有利于专制稳定。反过来引发的一个有趣的问题是, 当经济发展对于专制统治不再是利好的时候,专制体制会设法阻碍经济发展吗?极权主义的逻辑是,为了垄断权力,他们会不惜一切代价。但是幸运的是,极权主义并不象看上去那么万能, 经济自由化进程是一个不可逆的过程,专制体制通过重新控制经济来抑制经济发展将是极端不明智的政治自杀。

 

回到原来的问题, 经济发展是否促进民主政治呢? 请原谅,我将大段的借用何增科先生的一段论述作为结尾.

何增科先生的一段论述作为结尾.

 

 

 

“经济发展是民主政治发展最重要的动力机制。经济发展是现代化的核心内容,它促成了工业化、城市化、教育的普及、通讯的便捷、人口的大规模流动、收入水平的提高等。经济发展缔造了现代的工业社会。现代工业社会要求产生新的与之相适应的政治管理模式,传统的与农业社会相适应的政治管理模式的变革势在必行。源自经济发展的内在要求,成为推动政治发展与变革的决定性因素。同时,经济发展提高了大众的教育和文化水平,信息网络技术的发展和大众传播媒介的发达提高了公众的组织能力和行为能力,经济发展也为政治的发展与变革提供了物质技术基础。经济发展还加速了社会动员,后者是指人们所承担的绝大多数旧的社会、经济和心理义务受到侵蚀而崩溃,并开始逐渐获得新的社会化模式和行为模式的过程。城市化的发展,识字率的增加,大众传媒的商业化,交通通讯技术日益发达,深刻地改变着人们的生活方式和生活内容,人们开始告别传统,逐渐接受现代行为模式和价值观,并用现代价值观来评判政府和官员的行为和积极要求参与政治生活。社会动员所造就的新的政治生态,为政治系统的重新整合提供了基础、契机和动力。”

Racing against Terror

Racing against Terror

By Zhou Qing

Honorable Mr. President,
Honorable Delegates of PEN Centers
Ladies and Gentlemen;
Good Afternoon. I am very much grateful to the Italian PEN for your invitation of me to this conference in such a beautiful city – Milan. It is the first time for me to have attended a conference as a writer after 17 years of being labeled as a dangerous element by the Communist Party in China since I was arrested in the wake of June Fourth Massacre in 1989. The reason that I am here emphasizing my identity as a writer is not only because this opportunity may be considered as a comfort and compensation to my inhuman life in the jail for two years and eight months, where I lost six teeth and got a permanent cripple arm, but also because my personality have been defined as a fearful carrier of viruses in the society of China. As a matter of fact, I started writing in early 1980s and got a prize for my publication even at my teenage. I have never stopped my writing since my release from jail, and ever nominated for some International literature awards for several times.
Since I was released from jail, my name has not been allowed to appear in the media in Mainland China for a considerably long time. When it appeared for the first time, the character of my given name had to be split into two parts as Jing-li. Chinese literati had been known to preserve a tradition that one should not change ones name in whatsoever situation. In todays China, however, the authorities have screened the names of many writers as carefully as to prevent the pestilences from occurring. More dreadfully, a few members of the Independent Chinese PEN have been severely sentenced in prison just for their different opinions from those of the Chinese Communist authority.
On the contrary, if one could behave oneself obediently toward the Chinese communist authority, a writer in such a corrupted state of authoritarianism would get unthinkable material comforts and spiritual debauchery from it. For instance, a woman communist writer is said to have got a authors remuneration 10 times higher than the normal one for a short story of hers despite being a privileged author who has already enjoyed, even if she would do nothing any more, a good salary, a big apartment, a full job insurance and other benefits which the most of Chinese citizens cannot have. What would such a writer say about the situation in China? What would the Chinese Communist regime do for such a kind of hack writers? To the second question, the cultural and propaganda departments of the Chinese Communist regime have done utmost to support and propagandize them both in China and abroad. There are famous writers, such as Yu Hua and Mo Yan, who have being written the complementary works without any troubles in China, and who, at the same time, have also be nominated for the Nobel Prize in literature. Their identities as a member of the Chinese Communist Party, or even a member of the Chinese Peoples Political Consultation Committee, have however be completely ignored by the Western society. Therefore, they have chances to eat every thing, enjoying not only the governmental banquets at the Peoples Congress in China but also the great culture meals abroad. An extreme case is Mr. Yu Hua who visited Italy not long ago, as you might have known. He announced to the Italian media that publication in China is now very liberal, and that his publication has never been censored at all, bla, bla. That was of cause a ridiculous announcement. Hence, I would like to express my respect to Italy PEN again for giving this opportunity to a member of Chinese Independent PEN in the present Italian-Chinese Culture Year.
When I am now writing this, as a matter of fact, I am still wondering whether or not I will finally be present at thi conference. It is well known that many Chinese writers, particularly members of our Chinese Independent PEN Center, such as our president Dr. Liu Xiaobo, are not permitted by the Chinese government to be abroad for participation in any activity or even for a private tour. At the end of 1999 when I returned from a visit to Russia, I was detained at the border in Xinjiang Autonomous Region for more than ten days. The reason could be only that I was not supposed to have returned to China.
I believe that terrifying and lying are the two most important tools that all the totalitarian states have employed to maintain their legitimacy and continuity. The dictators can always take their advantages in controlling the resources almost in a whole society to occupy, override and threaten the private spaces of the society and its citizens at any costs. Those in power have just made use of the common fears of publics to protect their interests obtained from corruption and preserve their sources of continual corruption. Meanwhile, they constantly produce lies to distort the history and reality. The terrors and lies are spreading over whole China so as to seriously pollute and drug the people in various social groups and the society as a whole. Hence, I define it as the State Terrorism.
It is during the past 17 years since June Forth Massacre in 1989 that this State Terrorism has been getting more and more threatening so as to reach the peak of degenerating Chinese people as a whole. The State Terrorism behaves like a carrier of virus. As it extends and expands without limitation, it will finally devour all the living spaces of the people, freedom of expression, and future as well as spiritual development. Now, I will tell you the story of my life during the past 17 years, both inside and outside jail to explain State Terrorism. I believe that my case should be a vivid example for realizing and understanding the situation in China, particularly for a writer there.
In 1989, I was studying in a class of writers at university before the massacre. When the student petition movement was touched off by the death of the former Party General Secretary Mr. Hu Yaobang, my indifferent and indolent life was turned to become intensive and meaningful accordingly. I wrote and put up a poster to protest the editorial of Peoples Daily published on the 26th of April 1989 that condemned the student petition movement. This poster became therefore the root for later persecution against me. When I was sentenced to jail, the first item of my crime in my court verdict was that I had illegally published a newsletter of Democracy and Freedom, for which I was the chief editor, with a printout of 1000 copies. Moreover, I had drafted several posters for the students, mobilizing the students strike, etc. Obviously, this is a typical case of persecution because of expressing ones opinion.
In the wake of the June Forth Massacre, I fled though completely penniless. A student gave me some money from the earlier donation. An unlettered peasant couple also helped me on my way of fleeing and said: We can see that you must be a student, and so please hide at our home. If the police come, we will let our dogs face them while you will escape from our back door to the mountains. However, I was aimless in my fleeing and also very much worried about my girlfriend at the Xian Jiaotong University. Therefore I decided to return to Xian, just for a look at her.
I was beaten down in front of the gate of the University. What I faced was various types of guns pointing at me. I was immediately punished by handcuffing my thumbs. Seeing the blood full of my face, my girlfriend helplessly screamed for help, A student being arrested! A student being arrested! but none of the students playing football nearby appeared to care of it.
My first place in jail was the detention center at the Fifth Department of Xian Public Security Bureau. That was the most infamous one amongst all the ails in China where most of the prisoners had handcuffs and shackles for they were waiting to be executed. There I accompanied more than 30 of them.
The director of the detention center had a nickname as Tiger Wang. He often broadcasted like this: I will make you a subject for three changes! Your wife will change her husband
, your son will change his surname, and you from dog fucking will change your mind!
As so many were locked up in the same cell, fights, tortures and sexual attacks among the prisoners have frequently been happening. There were many prisoners sentenced to death for different types of crimes who enjoyed overriding, beating and humiliating the others. The student prisoners like me were often the victims of those attacks. We had to fight back to defend ourselves since the detention administration often neglected those attacks intentionally. Once with a wooden piece, I broke the head of a death-sentenced prisoner who had always humiliated the student prisoners. However, the police punished me by handcuffing my hands tightly behind my back. I could neither eat nor sleep. The only way to survive was to be fed up by kind roommates. After six days of such punishment, I could hardly withdraw my hands from my back.
There were many different kinds of tortures amongst the prisoners. It is never possible for anyone in a normal and rational society to imagine how brutal these tortures could be. One of the tortures was called vaccination carried out during the summer time. It was to make a cut on an arm of the victim, and then put many fleas, bugs and cooties into the wound. After several days, the victim became vaccinated with a reluctance swelling on the wound like a tomato. But there were hundreds of visible bugs moving inside. It was really terrible.
Another brutal torture was beating ones buttocks with a plastic hose until they became heavy swelled. I witnessed that a prisoner was tortured in this way to a very severe extent just for his smoking without permission. He died of the infection of his wound but his death was certified as a natural one due to some disease.
On 26th of September, 1990, I was transferred to a Labor Camp for so called Reeducation-through-Labor (Laodong Jiaoyang) in Fengxiang County, Shaanxi Province. There had been more than one hundred prisoners in its June Forth Special Team, prior to my arrival. The prisoners were teachers, engineers, students, workers as well as hoboes and beggars. In November of the same year, I learnt from the only newspaper available in jail that the Communist regime made its most efforts for the prolongation of so-called Most-Favored-Nation statue from USA. They pulished such a statement day by day as to claim that nobody was locked up in jail any more for the June Forth Movement. Due to the lack of information in jail, I thought that the international society must have been cheated by such a lie and that Chinese intellectuals had been too weak and obidient to do anything againt it. Under such a completely closed circumstance, this radical mentality of mine became more emotional. Then I made an extrem decision that I should set a presendent to escape from the Labor Camp and then flee abroad. Then I could tell the world the truth.
Accordingly I started looking for partners of jailbreak. Mr. He was a group leader among the prisoners. He told me that he wanted to escape as well, because he was missing his girlfriend. I thought he maight be a good partner since he was a group leader who had much more convienience to get necessary tools than I had. There was another man who was just arrested from a former jailbreak. So there became a team of three persons for jailbreak.
The plane for jailbreak was carried out as such. The group leader, Mr. He, was able to get a piece of steel-saw hidden in a sausage transported into the jail. My responsibility was to saw off the sticks of the security fence on the window. I had also utilized my bed heet, to make an eight-meters long rope together with my two partners, which would be utilized to get over the high wall of the prison.
All in a sudden, four hours before the planed moment, a group of fierce policemen rushed into our cell. They easily discovered the off-sawed window fence, as well as the eight-meters-long rope. I was immediately put into a isolated cell with heavy guards. The rest of the prisoners held a meeting, and decided to burden me for any charge. I realized later on that the so-called team of three for jailbreak was a trap from the beginning.
The consequence of this attempt of jailbreak was obvious. I was guarded in an isolation cell for a long time, and then punished with a prolongation of my imprisonment for five months. The reasons for prolongation of imprisonment were given as follows:
· Bad and stubborn attitude in the isolation cell;
· Refusing to confess my crime of jailbreak;
· Singing and shouting loudly to disturb the integrations;
· Spreading continuously in the Labor Camp my arguments against the June Forth Massacre in 1989;
· Collecting a name list of imprisoned students and teachers and trying to get it out of the Labor Camp.
Hence, I spent two years and eight months in jail.
As soon as I was released from the jail, I was carefully watched in the society. For instance, I was told that I must stay at home for several days because the President Bill Clinton was visiting China. I became furious and told the police, Bill Clintons visit must not disturb my ordinary life. If you continue to tail me, I will disturb Mr. Clinton as well! Later on, a kind neighbor told me that there had been several new peddlers and strange cars around our house during these days. They were all from the security police.
It has been rather often that I was forced to have a tourist trip escorted by policemen outside Xian during the so-called sensitive periods. They just guarded my door to prevent my disappearance from their sight. I tried once to travel to Zhangjiajie city located in another province, without telling anybody. However, I surprisingly encountered two policemen who were in charge of my case in Xian, on the third days after my arrival. This was not an easy job for them to find me in such a city with a population of three million people. However, they got plenty of policemen to trace me with my photo in hands.
Last year when I tried to help a friend from USA to publish a series of books on Christianity, the police questioned all the related persons, including a car driver.
The policemen watched me as careful as possible. They told me that their attitudes ware never to believe me for any of my publications. At the middle of 1990s, I was in charge of publishing a newspaper entitled Historical Tale. Then they threatened me to shut down the newspaper immediately. Otherwise they would do it themselves, because I was not worth to be trusted, even if there are full pages of a slogan such as Long live the Chinese Communist Party on my newspaper.
In short, I have suffered fears and turbulence day by day in the past 17 years. Yet, all of my family members and friends suffered from inquisition, disturbing and even threats. Naturally, I have to continue to face with the terrors, in the future.
I am telling the stories of my experience just for a surprising and unbelievable truth that I found by chance, that is, all of my sufferings for so many years have been related to the words. I therefore realize that whenever the writers are subjected to terror in a country, the regime must be based on a national terrorism. This has been thoroughly proved in history, from Hitlers Germany to Stalins Soviet Union, from Mao Zedongs China to Saddam Husseins Iraq, as well as todays Cuba, North Korea and my homeland.
My opinion is that it is much more important to recover and repair the humanity which has been distorted by the dictatorship, than to face with the ational terrorism. Please allow me to explain with the example of the Pro-democratic Movement in 1989. During the Movement, there was a very special period from 15th April to the end of May. The people appeared to be extremely self-disciplined though no police carried out their duty by intention. There was not a single case of serious crime happed almost in the whole country during such a long time. Even the thiefs published poster of suspending stealing in order to support the students.
Nonetheless, The extreme high sel
f-discipline society turned immediately into a prosecution movement, as soon as the gun fire broke out against the students. In the prosecutions, people disclosed and betraied each other, so that it became a new kind of terrors among the people. Homo lupus homini One is a wolf to other. This has been the strategy of the Chinese nation. This is also the great success of the long-term rule over China by the Communist Party. All the people became slaves of the dictatorship system. I therefore believe that the dictatorship is the natural enemy of the civilized society. It is also the most terrible threats against democracy, freedom and global orders.
To live in China at the moment means that one must race with terror, particularly for a writer. We utilize our ration to face and struggle against the terrors, so as to achieve the slight improvement. Chinese Independent PEN Center and its Writers in Prison Committee have just been organized for such a racing with terror. It makes its best effort to care and rescue the writers from the terrors.
Finally, I believe that there must be a public space in human society which is shared by everybody. In this space, the strengths of goodness and evil are always competing. As a writer, I believe that any kind of freedom is first and foremost derived from the expression of freedom. To write in freedom is also a challenge against the living status under the dictatorship. Though we fail often, we will continue to fight for the freedom of writing and expression!
Thank you!


(Translated by Dr. Minhai Gui)

已经没了“消息”的郭起真

已经没了“消息”的郭起真

綦彦臣 

 

【2006年8月10日狱委讯】沧公国诉字〔2006〕01号起诉意见书一经公开,就说明郭起真案重判意向初定。原来,据我掌握的一些信息看,郭起真仅为网络文章之事应无大碍。因为,中共高层已经表达出对网络言论的一定程度上的容忍(并且还有以技术性应对如写作班子在反动“电子刊物”发表文章为辅助手段)。但是,从刘路先生公开沧公国诉字〔2006〕01号起诉意见书,时至今日,郭起真似乎从这个世界上消失了。 

一、再遭禁见,已见“凶兆” 

我于6月30日去沧州市第二看守所会见过郭起真,并且郭太太于翌日 
接见日亦得准许。6月30日会见时,没要任何手续,但是,在我提出 
会见要求后,看守所的人也商量了一番,请示市局办案部门当是情理 
之中的事情。此前,我给起真写过一封挂号信,要求起真停止绝食, 
以利于我能从“人际关系”方面为此“活动”,并且在没了解到独立 
笔会帮助的情况下我也准备以“委托代理人”的身分介入此案并暂时 
停止了护照办理。 

会见郭时,问及此信,郭称没收到。但对绝食问题的解释则全然不是 
北京一些分析人士所说的“与高有关即等于与法轮功有关”的判断, 
郭说是为自己蒙屈12年不得昭雪而为之。在沧州当局以各种理由不为 
郭的辩护律师李建强提供会见郭的机会之后,郭太太赵长芹女士7月 
8号中午打给我太太米洪武的电话,告知:郭又遭禁见,不但不能见 
律师,而且连家属也无法见了。 

此种信息让我立感惊愕,也使我的某些“活动计划”受挫。“活动计 
划”中至少有与案件本身关系不大的羁押待遇问题,如使腿伤未好的 
郭得以合理用药、吃得好一点、尽可能减低劳动量,等等。 

二、“破例”引用法条的含义 

从起诉意见书上看,有两点证明了重判的倾向:其一,证据获得时间 
如此之短,从5月25日至6月16日不到一个月,说明当局早有准备;事 
实上也如此,双方经历了多次博弈,从补给两万块钱药费到有人捎 
“再闹就判”的话,不一而足。其二,意见书上引用刑法1066条即在 
1055条(第二款)的基础上规定“与境外机构、组织、个人相勾结, 
实施本章1033条、1044条、105条规定之罪行的,依照各该条的规定 
从重处罚。” 

在已往的“煽动颠覆”案例中当局几乎很少援引106条,因为可以百 
分之百地肯定,那些被指控为“煽动颠覆”的言论都是海外媒体发表 
的,也就是说,作为挣取稿费及保持与有关媒体联系的写稿行为,本 
质上都是按商业行为对待,而不存在“发了文章或拿了稿费,就是相 
互勾结”之定性。 

由这个重判倾向又有“破例”的当局行为来看,原来的一个“悬念” 
也得以证实:有关部门一直试图将郭起真“办成法轮功”的打算也得 
以实现。虽然起诉意见书未直接说是因为郭参加绝食接力而要处刑法 
106条的强化处罚,但隐约间已经涉及当下最为敏感的政治问题,如 
该意见书中有两处提到《绝食日记》系列文章。其一曰:“自2002年 
10月以来在美国《民主论坛》等境外网站发表的《绝食日记》、《赖 
斯和林昭》等文章34篇,被《大纪元》等境外网站转载……在国际上 
造成了恶劣的影响。”;其二曰:“2006年3月6日在《民主论坛》发 
表的《三月六日绝食日记》一文……煽动推翻现政权。” 

当局已经设想或者说有自己的情治手段证实郭起真绝食的行为有一个 
“境外支持”背景。 

三、屡给地方出“难题”也是诱因之一 

郭起真坚持12年的上访,并每逢重要节日或重大公共活动之际散发大 
量的鸣冤材料,已成了沧州地方上的一大“难题”。仅就笔者与郭起 
真的接触中就能了解到:(1)曾有权力部门人士警谏郭不要继续 
“闹事儿”,余下的恢复工作等事就好说了;(2)在坠塔事件发生 
后,跟踪郭的党系部门拿出两万元当作郭的治疗费用。但郭态度坚决 
地拒绝了警谏,并继续拖着伤腿鸣冤,使沧州当局十分尴尬。 

关于郭在上访材料中所涉及的与原单位负责人马某的关系,我曾在私 
下劝郭“冤仇宜解不宜结”,应当给对方个下台阶,因为既便所反应 
的问题完全得以落实,也不过是个毛毛雨般的小案子。郭对此表示不 
能理解。我还逗趣地给他讲了当年我被抓后对看守人员说的一句预 
言:“你们的书记也快了。”──大家都以为我说气话,果不久沧州 
头号权力人物薄某就进入了中纪委的视野,再后来重刑在身,险些丢 
命。其实,郭案的“地方因素”在一定程度上仍是“薄氏政治”的一 
些余波,因为在薄氏当政之时沧州官风鱼烂,其不作为直接导致了郭 
起真由一个正直公民走向上访专业户进而所谓煽动颠覆政权的结果。 

一个上访了多年,本身反映的材料充分但又不是重大事件的基本问题 
即与原单位马某的纠纷,真地就没法解决吗?不可能! 

至于说到郭起真全力以赴为之鸣冤的王某“杀人嫌疑”案,其当事人 
王某的反应则更令人惊诧。据郭太太说:王某曾专到郭宅,要求郭不 
必主动替他维权,声称“自己想过平静的日子”并希望郭将所有涉及 
他的上访材料都拿出来,所开支的印刷费用全部奉上。 

王某“杀人嫌疑”一案终因证据不足而使当事人获无罪开释,但至今 
“真凶”一直没有找到。郭起真一直坚持追究“错办”王案的警方有 
关人员的责任,无疑大大地牵涉了沧州地方盘根错节的诸种利益关 
系。 

结束语:前景未定 

郭起真案的重判倾向无疑为中央党校政改提纲的第一条“一党执政下 
的国家法律至上”理想设计,泼了一瓢冷水。当然,郭起真是否被重 
判的条件还取决于以下三个条件: 

1、是否在“党管法律”即政法委模式下,事先定出一个“一定将此 
  案办成铁案”的调子,公检法一体化作业。 
2、起诉意见书所意欲采用的刑法106条的主张──指控他与《民主 
  论坛》的供稿关系为“接受海外敌对势力资助”──是无法成立 
  的;是否有其他核心证据支持──哪怕当庭出示涉及国家秘密的 
  证据而不是让大众知晓──才得以技术性确认。 
3、郭起真本人当庭对绝食最终目的陈述,能否将自己绝食行为与当 
  局的“背景确认”完全分开。 

(2006年8月6日于绵逸书房) 

论学者的使命

 

这个题目早在两百多年前,德国古典哲学从康德向黑格尔转进过程中的中转人物费希特先生就曾用过。费老从纯粹理性出发,在承认并尊重“人生而平等”的大前提下,论证了知识分子或曰学者这一阶层对于人类文明发展负有的特殊使命,即“高度注视人类一般的实际发展进程,并经常促进这种发展进程”。

我们且从费老的定义说开去。

“人类一般的实际发展进程”自古以来就注定了是和人类政治文明的演化过程一而二二而一的复合,后者的变迁与进步直接影响着前者的命运。故而真正关心“人类一般的实际发展”的人们,无论基于何种背景,受过哪方专业训练,都不能不“高度注视”这一重要领域。犬儒们从来不敢忽视现实政治,但充其量只能算偷瞟两眼,算不得“高度注视”,目的是为了更好因应和坚持自己没有底线的底线;鹰犬们夙兴夜寐地嗅着新的政治风向,揣摩着如何能在建言献策时更好地顺应圣意,但这无非是为了自己的“红顶子”所做的政治投机,也不可算是正经的学者之所为。

还存在着第三类人。他们确实“以学术为业”,有着自己的术业专攻。他们晓得学术与政治之别,在传播知识这一知识分子的角色上保持着价值无涉,只向自己的受众提供各种观点、学说,自身并不直接或间接地干预和影响受众的自由选择。但在学术之外,他们利用各种平台传播自己认为相对正确的观点,实际上已经产生了潜移默化的社会影响。

尤为特殊的是,在社会的转型时期,新与旧、开放与保守两种思想势力处于激烈交锋的胶着状态时,双方的主战场往往选择在纯粹的学术领地,但脑袋背后的第三只眼睛都虎视眈眈地瞅着现实政治领域的进程。而一旦出现某一方采取柔性策略、运用春秋笔法隐晦地对现实政治做出某种评论,则非但敌方会拿此来说事,最可悲的是己方阵营中也会冒出大量狂热之徒极尽嘲讽之能事。

转型时期社会的复杂性就在于:你不关心社会,就要反过来被社会“关心”;你不去影响舆论,就要反过来被舆论所影响;你不自我保护,就要被别人压制。当危机到来之时,谁也逃不掉,而这危机的形成很可能就有绥靖分子、犬儒主义的一份功劳。话不能不说,但说出来还不能授人以柄,所以就要拐着弯说话——曲线救国。在约束条件下最大化自己的目标函数,这是原则,更是技巧。

以易中天品三国为例。先生成功利用公共平台不动声色地在传播文化的过程中捎带了自己对现实世界的诸多看法,诙谐幽默的言谈给人耳目一新之感。声名一起,便又有不少学者、百姓深斥之、苛责之,讽其不务正业、失了师道尊严,或曰为“反面人物”翻案误导视听之类云云。盖未知教授关于宪政、官僚制度之严肃研究,否则能不拍案叫绝?此等学者,可登大雅之堂,可言大众之语,在制度与现实的缝隙中游刃有余,方是一流人物。

再以近两年来经济学界甚至思想界的乱象为例。经济学者对于方向问题最为敏感,因为一旦市场化被批得体无完肤,致使有人打着和谐与秩序的旗号、以整顿的名义逆转既有的大方向,那便是经济学研究者的世界末日。因为没有一个计划经济体制需要真正意义的经济学。而这也不仅仅是经济学研究者的灾难,恐怕也是全中国的大限。故而有时是需要策略性地尊重既有条件,采用合适的话语系统组建“最广泛的统一战线”以达成目的的,这又岂能算是“投降”、“妥协”呢?顺便一提,加尔布雷思当年在被提名为美国经济学会会长的时候遭到了弗里德曼为首的一批经济学家的强烈抵制,原因是他“太接近政治”,但最终仍然顺利当选,足见纯之又纯地死守一隅并不能改变什么,真正的强者能够顺势而为,拓展生存空间。

马克思年轻时在《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》中的那句豪言壮语——“哲学家们只是用不同的方式解释世界,而问题在于改变世界”,有些道理。只不过学者的动机不一定真的那么积极地要推动社会向更好的方向进展,而很可能只是为了至少能够保证社会不要向更坏的方向滑落罢了。

北朝鲜革命元老的结局–金日成的大清洗

基本查清了金日成大清洗的来龙去脉:

1,武亭
1950年12月,志愿军入朝,北朝鲜局势得以稳定。金日成开始整顿撤退中党内出现的混乱,并开始重建党务组织,为此召开了朝鲜劳动党中央委员会第三次全体会议,会议上金日成在报告中斥责武亭犯有“军阀主义”,指责其应对战争失利承担责任,武亭被撤消一切职务。

2、许嘉谊
许嘉谊是苏联派的核心人物,时任朝鲜劳动党组织负责人。1951年11月的中央委员会第四次全体会议上,金日成批评其有“关门主义倾向”,导致无法扩充党员,扩大党组织活动,许嘉谊随即被撤消领导职务,1953年,许嘉谊被指认与朴宪永进行密谋,1953年3月许嘉谊自杀。

3、朴宪永
朴宪永是坚持在朝鲜进行抗日斗争的共产主义者领导,在1945年朝鲜光复后,以朴宪永为领导的朝鲜共产党中央领导全朝鲜共产党的活动。金日成回国后,一方面表示接受在汉城的朴宪永中央的领导,另一方面建立了朝鲜共产党北方局,但这在初期遭到汉城中央的批评,北方咸镜道党组织甚至一度表示不接受北方局的领导,1947年,由于南朝鲜当局和美国的镇压,朝鲜共产党中央无法在汉城立足,领导人物纷纷被迫撤退到北方,于是在苏联的撮合下,南北双方达成了联合协议,正式成立了朝鲜劳动党,以金日成为委员长,朴宪永为副委员长。
1950年战争爆发,朴宪永负责策动南方党组织和民众起义,由于战争失利,南方党实力大减。朝鲜劳动党内即指责南方的劳动党在解放战争中没有做到发动人民起义配合人民军进军的计划,从而把战争失利的责任推到南方劳动党领导身上。1953年3月,司法部长李承烨、驻中国大使全五稷、第一届最高人民议会议员金午星、南朝鲜解放游击第十支队长孟种镐、劳动党联络部长朴胜源、劳动党联络部长裴哲、劳动党社会部长姜文锡、内务省干部白亨福等10人被判处死刑,另有2人被判处15年和12年有期徒刑,朴宪永在1955年12月被判处死刑。这些人都是以“美帝国主义雇佣间谍”的名义起诉的。

4、延安派和苏联派
1956年2月,联共20大,赫鲁晓夫批判斯大林,赫鲁晓夫在会议上也指责金日成在北朝鲜搞个人崇拜,1956年6月-7月,金日成访问苏联和东欧,而在国内的苏联派和延安派联手准备向其挑战。1956年8月29日,朝鲜劳动党举行苏联、东欧归国报告会,苏联派的朴昌玉和延安派的崔昌益等人公开向金日成挑战,但在会议上遭到金日成等满洲游击队革命团体的反对而失败。当天延安派的商业部长尹金钦、职业总同盟委员会委员长戌辉即逃亡中国,而崔昌益和朴昌玉被逮捕,后在八月的中央全会上被除名。
但这并没有完,随后苏联第一副总理米高扬、中国国防部长彭德怀先后访问了朝鲜,两人都要求撤回对苏联派和延安派的除名处分,因而在九月的中央全会上,崔昌益和朴昌玉又被恢复了中央委员身份。到了这年底,朝鲜劳动党开始换发党证(实际就是清党),到第二年,将党内的延安派、苏联派以及南朝鲜劳动党派系的残余一网打尽。延安派的结果不甚清楚,苏联派中仍保留苏联国籍者在此期间全部返回苏联。

1958年3月,朝鲜劳动党第一次代表大会上,金日成将这一连串事件形容为一大胜利,从此,以其为主体的游击队派独占了北朝鲜的领导地位。到1961年9月,四次代表大会选举出的85名中央委员中,原来三次代表大会选举出的71名中央委员连任者只有28人,其余43人大多是遭清洗的延安派和苏联派。

另外的佐证
中共中央对外联络二局在1981年1月出版的《朝鲜劳动党 历届中央全会概况》中的记载:
第11页
朝鲜劳动党中央委员会二届三中全会(1950年12月21日-22日)
会议讨论了金日成同志的关于“目前形势与任务”的报告及组织问题(在这个会议上决定对武亭等在战争中犯严重错误的中央委员的处分)。

二届六中全会
(1953年8月5日-9日)
全会议程如下:
……
二、关于最近党内揭露的李承烨、裴哲、朴胜源、尹淳达、赵一鸣、李康国等人的反党叛国集团事件和许嘉谊自杀事件;
…….
关于组织问题的决议如下:
1、撤消反党叛国分子、破坏暗害分子、宗派分子朱宁河、张时雨、朴宪永、金五城、安基成、金光洙、金应彬等人的党中央委员职务,并开除他们出党;撤消全五稷的党中央候补委员职务,并开除出党;
2、撤消在祖国解放战争中没有对党和国家发挥献身精神和竭尽忠诚的具载洙、李千镇、赵福礼、李周详等人的党中央委员职务;
……

三届九月中央会议
1956年9月23日
…….全会中心审查了党中央委员会八月全会关于崔昌益、尹公钦、徐辉、朴昌玉等同志的纪律问题的决议。
上述同志所犯错误是严重的,但是,九月中央全会从进一步加强党内思想意志的统一,把党所团结的全部力量集中到完成的当前的革命任务中去的诚恳愿望出发,尽管他们的错误严重,仍宽以对待他们,给他们以反省自己错误的机会,为了继续坚持对他们的教育,使他们改正错误,走上正确的道路,决定恢复崔昌益、朴昌玉同志的中央委员职务;恢复尹公钦、徐辉同志的党组织生活。
……
北朝鲜革命元老的结局

金日成 (自然死)
崔庸健 (自然死)
洪命熹 (自然死)
白南云 (自然死)
朴宪永 (死刑)
李承烨 (死刑)
张时雨 (死刑)
朱宁河 (死刑)
许成泽 (死刑)
李炳南 (死刑)
李 镛 (死刑)
朴文圭 (不详)
金 策 (疑问死)
许 宪 (事故死)
金元凤 (临政系, 死刑)
朴一禹 (延安派, 死刑)
金武亭 (延安派, 死刑)
金枓奉 (延安派, 死刑)
金 雄 (延安派, 死刑)
崔昌益 (延安派, 死刑)
朴勋一 (延安派, 死刑)
方虎山 (延安派, 死刑)
张平山 (延安派, 死刑)
朴孝三 (延安派, 死刑)
金汉中 (延安派, 死刑)
李益成 (延安派, 死刑)
李芳南 (延安派, 不详)
许贞淑 (延安派, 自然死)

注:“临政系”即曾经流亡中国的“大韩民国临时政府”的韩国民族独立运动派别“延安派”就是原来在中国参加革命的朝鲜族人,北朝鲜独立后缺乏军事人员,金日成向中国提出援助要求,毛泽东批准在中国的朝鲜族军人回朝鲜参加朝鲜革命,延安派大部分是四野的人和老抗联、抗日民主联军的人。这些人当中有的比金日成的资格还老,参加革命的时间还长,职务还高。金日成原来不过是抗联的一个小师长而已。

一点五 :德是不能用来治国的

       自从某代领导人偶尔抛出“以德治国”方略以来,党用学人即群起而捧之,活生生地把“以德治国”弄成了不证自明的人间公理、世界公约。

        好在中国还有良知未泯的学者,马克坚先生就这样的一位。他著文指出:“以德治国”在逻辑上不能成立,在客观上会造成危害,即“以德治国”最后会演化为“以言治国”,会变成强势群体利用“道德”控制社会。

        马克坚先生对“以德治国”必然导致的黑暗前景的判断,尤其应该引起我们的深思和警惕。

        道德的本质是什么?

        道德是一种内在的信念。因此,它的制约力“不是物质力量或由物质力量所造成的威胁”,而主要诉诸个体的良知和同情心。  

        道德的特征是什么?

        道德的特征简而言之,就是“道德没有度量衡”。比如“爱祖国”,怎样算是“爱”,又怎样去“爱”,均是很个人化和多样化的东西。于是乎,讲道德,必须要一位终极裁判,这只能导致专制。

        而“治国”,一是需要诉诸物质强力,二是要有明确的程序操作性。

        显而易见,道德根本不可能满足“治国”的基本条件。

         因此,若要推行“以德治国”,首先,必须将道德强行改变为法律。但道德一旦“立法”,道德就由内在、自律的东西,异化为外在、他律的东西。如此一来,道德离它内在良知的本性越来越远,也就不成其为道德了。

        与此同时,还必须把道德统一起来。因为任何“治国”方略都必须一元化,即人们常说的“法律面前人人平等”,否则就无法“治”。如果把道德作为治国手段,执政者就必然要制定一种最高的道德也即“国德”,要求全民遵从之。但道德本来是在人际交往中约定俗成的,是由众多个体自身体验的,是多元化的,其统一性也只是一种默认契约。因此,“以德治国”的结果只能是以牺牲众多个体的道德去换取执政者的“国德”,这本身就是极不道德的“反道德”行为。
  
        综观中国历史,层出不穷的“仁治”、“孝治”、“德治”,其本质都不过是“人治”,那“治”的结果,就是为我们创造出了一个“万恶的旧社会”;今天的市场经济,天然与“人治”相背离,它需要的是“法治”,依托“以德治国”去构建所谓的“和谐社会”,历史将会再一次教训我们:此路不通。
  
 (注:从马克坚先生的文章里挪用大量资源)

批评家朱大可痛斥娱乐时代暴露文化危机

朱大可:现在必须开始文化自救

  娱乐时代需要冷静的反思,昨天下午,著名文化批评家朱大可在上海书展现场作了名为《身体解放与精神危机——大众文化的历史与现状》的讲座,对最近几年大众娱乐潮流在国内的兴起和发展状况作了手术刀式的剖析和批判。

  朱大可说,从上世纪90年代中期开始,“我们进入了狂欢的岁月,时兴身体解放和下半身的崛起”“戏仿、反讽、秽语和文化颠覆”成为大众文化中的潮流。他把去年称为中国的“娱乐元年”,芙蓉姐姐“以S造型和自我赞美挑战世人的宽容度”,“超女”则“掀起了娱乐民主和消费民主的狂潮”。韩寒则秽语出击“以白烨为代表的老年文化势力,引发文化冲突”。

  朱大可表示,眼下种种喧嚣纷杂的大众文化现象指向的是文化退行和精神危机,现在必须开始文化自救,重建传统文化,实现文化复兴。

史学大师力挺易中天:不是混嚼是比较

  由于易中天《品三国》在上海书展开幕首日签售爆棚,近日来书展内各位学者的大小讲座无不谈及该书,一时间,颇有“满城争议易中天”之势。昨日一早,史学大师樊树志在书展“国史十六讲”的讲座上,对此前某些学者恶批易中天的行为表示不解,“《品三国》我看了,我就觉得讲得很好,而且很多地方,明显就有经过历史考证的依据。”

  不是“混嚼”是比较

  针对有人批评易中天“混嚼《三国》”的说法,樊树志觉得实在不能苟同:“易中天在说某个历史事件时,先提《三国演义》作为小说是怎样写的,但真实的历史是怎样的?于是,再搬出《三国志》以正视听。经过这样的比较,读者才更能体会什么才是正史,怎么能说‘混嚼’呢?”

  历史事实都经过考证

  樊树志表示,易中天的讲座他个人也看了大半,基本上没有看到与史实出入的“硬伤”或者一些史学常识上的低级错误,相反,他从《品三国》中看到了不少历史考证的痕迹。“比如说,易中天曾在电视上亲自脱鞋表演的‘席地而坐’,我看来就很规范。他知道席地而坐不是乱坐,而是脱了鞋,双腿并拢跪在地上,屁股就坐在脚跟上。这绝对是他经过研究考证的,否则他怎么能那么规范呢?”

  讲历史也有角度不同

  至于有人质问易中天为什么讲这部分史实而不讲那部分,樊树志认为很是可笑。“就像每个老师上课,都会有所不同,每个人讲历史也都有自己的角度,这是不能强求的。如果连这个也要苛责,那么恐怕世界上没有哪个老师敢去讲课了。”