沙叶新:支持章诒和 正告邬书林们!

 

得知中国新闻出版总署副署长邬书林先生在1月11日对中国出版的八本图书的禁令,并阅读了被禁图书作者之一的章诒和先生1月19日的声明,我郑重表示:我反对邬书林的禁令,我支持章诒和的声明!

在此,我要正告邬书林:你知道秦始皇的焚书坑儒吗?你知道清代的文字狱吗?你知道国民党的图书审查吗?你知道希特勒的文化专制吗?你知道历史对钳制言论自由、迫害知识分子的审判吗?你知道章诒和在海内外拥有多少读者吗?你身为新闻出版总署的副署长,你的禁令,只是对章诒和一个人的打压吗?不,你这是与海内外千万读者为敌!你的禁令只是对八本书的封杀吗?不,影响所及,你这是对所有在你治下的新闻记者、出版编辑们的恐吓!你知道你的禁令一下,在新闻界、出版界、写作界、知识界所引起的强烈愤怒吗?你践踏了宪法的出版自由,你剥夺了八位作家的著作权利。你这是对温家宝同志最近关于文学艺术讲话的背叛,是对胡锦涛同志提倡和谐社会的背叛,你是给共产党帮倒忙,绝对的帮倒忙!

你知道你担当的是什么角色吗?难道你不怕吗?

真正应该感到恐惧的其实不是被你禁止的作者们,而是你自己!因为历史已经证明以前被精神杀戮的作者们是无罪的,今后也将再次证明这次被你封杀的作者们也是无罪的。而历史将会怎么证明你自己呢?请听好:历史只能证明你是刽子手——精神杀戮的刽子手!这才可怕!

世界上所有的刽子手都不愿意从事杀人勾当,所以他们在执行死刑时,都不得不将自己的面目用黑布蒙上。而你这次在执行精神死刑时,你没有蒙面,你公开露面了;所有的刽子手都不愿意让别人知道他们的名字,可从2007年1月11号之后世界都知道你的名字了:邬书林!

所以我真诚地告诫邬书林们:放下屠刀,解除禁令!多行和谐之善举,不做杀戮之恶事。这样历史将可能对你们是另外一种写法了。

我是一介书生,一向不喜欢游行示威,从来不习惯声明抗议。我只会写我自己的文章。因此数十年来我对思想文化领域中的种种罪行,只是在沈默中对受害者表示同情,在忍受中曲折地表达一点愤怒。但这次我要做狮子吼了,我要公开抗议了,否则我会感到耻辱!

美国波士顿犹太人大屠杀纪念碑上刻有马丁·尼莫拉牧师的一段著名的铭文:

“他们先是来抓共产党,我没有说话,因为我不是共产党。他们接着来抓犹太人,我没有说话,因为我不是犹太人。他们又来抓工会会员,我没有说话,因为我不是工会会员。他们再来抓天主教徒,我没有说话,因为我是新教教徒。他们最后来抓我,这时已没有人还被留着给我说话了。”

马丁·尼莫拉牧师早期曾作反犹的布道,他在希特勒一再的罪行前都“不说话”,最后他自己也被关入希特勒集中营。

所以我要说话!不但为了章诒和,不但为了其他七位作者,也为我自己。

章诒和先生先后被禁了三本书。禁她第一本书时,她没说话;禁她第二本书时,她也没说话。禁她第三本书时,她拍案而起,终于说话了!

在禁章诒和先生的第一本书时,这次被禁的其他七位作者也没想到要公开说话,更没想到这次自己也被关进“集中营”。

我们都曾是可悲的马丁·尼莫拉!

但这次章诒和说话了,我也说话了。

在黑暗中,你我都是对方的烛光;在荒漠里,每一只举起的手都是一片绿叶!

我希望所有的人都说话,这是我们的权利,这是我们的尊严,否则下一个被关进“集中营”的有可能就是你!

2007年1月20日 上海善作剧楼

首发新世纪

傅国涌:“谨守蔡校长余绪”:蒋梦麟怎样当北大校长

 

1919年以后,蒋梦麟主持北大达17年之久,北大之所以能成为一所现代性的大学,与他的努力也是分不开的。

这位出生在浙江余姚一个小村庄的教育家,从少年时代起所接受的大部分都是西式教育,先后在绍兴中西学堂及上海、余姚的教会学校求学,进入浙江高等学堂时他已能够读英文原版的世界史。1903年,他19岁那年考中秀才,1904年考入上海南洋公学。在急剧变动的大时代,在新与旧、中学与西学、维新与革命之间,他“尚未成熟的心灵”终于看清楚了——“西化的潮流已经无法抗拒”。1908年,他考取官费留美资格,留美近十年,成为杜威的学生,1917年获得哥伦比亚大学哲学及教育学博士学位。

回国之初,蒋梦麟曾办过《新教育》月刊,提倡新的教育思想,强调教育要按照学生的要求设计,目标是“养成健全之个人,创造进化的社会”,仅仅六个月发行量就达到一万份。由于这个刊物与北大师生“知识上的密切关系”, 1919年初,他被聘为北大教育系教授。

1919年“五四”运动发生后,蔡元培离京南下。 7月23日,蒋梦麟受蔡先生托付代理北大校务,这时他不过三十出头。在北大学生欢迎会上,他第一次发表了有关他办学思想的演说。他指出:国家民族的地位是由历代文化积聚起来的,不是朝夕所能成。“故救国之要道,在从事增进文化的基础工作,而以自己的学问功夫为立脚点。”这些观点成为蒋梦麟以后一直遵循的办学方针。

除了三度代行校长职权,蒋梦麟长期担任北大总务长,主持日常事务,是蔡元培治校的得力助手,他们共同把北大引上了现代大学的轨道。在他们主持下“学术自由、教授治校,以及无畏地追求真理”成为北大的三项治校准则。同时,他还认为学生自治会应该受到鼓励,“以实现民主精神。” 他在1923年写的《北大之精神》一文中把北大精神概括为两点,一是大度包容,二是思想自由。

他代理校长期间,也就是“五四”以后的七年,面对连绵不断的军阀混战,风起云涌的学生运动,而且始终为经费问题所困扰。如果没有高度负责的精神,没有勇挑重担的态度,要在政治风云变幻莫测的年头,要使北大能始终稳步发展是难以想象的。“为着本校的维持,我仍旧愿负这责任,虽生死以之可也。”就是他当年对全体教师说的话,他的道德威望、他的人格风范虽然无法与蔡元培相比,但他是一个有担当、能负责的人,一个做事的人。他曾感叹:那时当大学校长真伤透脑筋。政府只有偶然发点经费,往往一欠就是一两年。学生要求更多的行动自由,政府则要求维持秩序,严守纪律。出了事,不论在校内校外,校长都得负责。发生游行、示威时,大家马上找到校长,不是要他阻止这一边,就是要他帮助那一边。日夜奔忙的唯一报酬,就是他两鬓迅速增加的白发。这些感慨,无疑是蒋梦麟代理北大校长期间的切身体会。

作为职业教育家,他对无休止的罢课很不以为然。1920年5月4日,他曾和胡适联名发表《我们对于学生的希望》,态度很明白。他们表示学生运动是变态的社会国家里,政府太腐败卑劣,又缺乏正式的纠正机关所致。但他们认为单靠罢课作武器是下下策,希望学生注重学问的生活、团体的生活、社会服务的生活。一句话,就是希望学生以学业为重。

1926年,北京发生震惊中外的“三。一八”惨案,北大有三位学生惨遭杀戮,蒋梦麟悲愤欲绝。3月24日,他在北大全体师生参加的追悼大会上沉痛地说:“在我代理校长任内,学生举行爱国运动,不幸有此次之大牺牲,李、黄、张三生之死,就其各人之家庭言,均损失一贤子孙,其家属接此种凶耗,不知如何痛心;就国家社会言,损失如许求专门知识之良好学生,此种学生之培植,由小学而大学,殊不易易,将来即少如许有用之材;就同学方面言,大家亦损失许多互相切磋琢磨之朋友。任就一方面言之,均损失不小。我任校长,使人家之子弟,社会国家之人材,同学之朋友,如此牺牲,而又无法避免与挽救,此心诚不知如何悲痛!” 说到这里他“潸然泪下”。接着,他对政府的暴行进行了猛烈的抨击,他说:“处此人权旁落,豺狼当道之时,民众与政府相搏,不啻与虎狼相斗,终必为虎狼所噬。古人谓苛政猛于虎,有慨乎其言矣!”话未说完,他“不禁放声大哭,台下致祭者亦有相对痛哭者,一时全场顿成惨淡悲哀景象。”

3月26日,他发出布告:“本校定本月30日开学,因此次同学惨死,开学后停课一星期,以志哀悼。”

这是一贯不赞成学生从事政治活动的校长,面对政府杀害自己学生时的态度,有了这些真实、生动的历史记录,我想其他的话都是多余的了。

1930年12月,蒋梦麟正式出任北大校长。他延聘大批留学生来校任教,并按照美国的大学教育制度,对旧的教学和科学研究制度进行了大刀阔斧的改革。实行教授专任,推行学分制,要求毕业生撰写论文并授予学位,追求高等教育的正规化,提出了“教授治学,学生求学,职员治事,校长治校”的口号。在他领导下,30年代的北大,教学科研水平都有明显提高。

这一时期正是民族危亡之秋,作为校长他不仅要忙于校务,还要花很多时间、精力应付日本方面的骚扰。“九一八”事变后,日寇步步进逼,迅速向长城以内推进,占领河北北部,成立所谓的“自治政府”,并鼓吹推行华北“自治”。在这一紧急关头,北大教授联名发表宣言,声明誓死反对所谓的华北“自治运动”,他也是签名者之一,甚至差一点被劫持到大连去。宋哲元派人劝他离开北平,但他坚持留在北大负起自己的责任。直到抗日战争全面爆发,他“一直把握着北大之舵,竭智尽能,希望把这学问之舟平稳渡过中日冲突中的惊涛骇浪。”卢沟桥事变后,北大南迁,与清华、南开合组长沙临时大学,后迁往昆明,改名为国立西南联合大学,由三校校长蒋梦麟、梅贻琦、张伯苓组成常委会共同主持校务,历时9年,写下了民族教育史上的辉煌篇章。蒋梦麟回忆:“在动乱时期主持一个大学本来就是头痛的事,在战时主持大学校务自然更难,尤其是要三个个性不同、历史各异的大学共同生活,而且三校各有思想不同的教授们,各人有各人的意见……幸靠同仁们的和衷共济,我们才把这条由混杂水手操纵的危舟渡过惊涛骇浪。”其中当然凝结着他的一份心血、智慧与汗水。

从1919年到1945年,蒋梦麟前后在北大工作了20多年,主持校政17年,在北大校史上是绝无仅有的。以他的渊博学识和精明干练,在那黑暗而动荡的乱世中国,克服重重困难,坚持办学,使北大的教学与科研水平稳步上升,这一奇迹是与他的办学思想分不开的。他说在北大任职期间,蔡元培先生有关大学教育的主张和学术自由的原则,他始终谨记在心,遵照执行。晚年他在未完成的《新潮》一书中深情回忆:“著者大半光阴,在北京大学度过,在职之年,但知谨守蔡校长余绪,把学术自由的风气,维持不堕。”

郭庆海:彭水县委书记被免并不意味党政领导“非法干预司法”的终结

 

重庆市彭水县教委借调干部秦中飞,去年9月因一则针砭时弊的短信诗词失去了自由,涉嫌诽谤被刑拘,继而被逮捕,舆论称为“彭水诗案”。秦遭关押29天后被“取保候审”,最终该案被认定为错案,秦中飞无罪,并获得了国家赔偿。此后,官方调查组认定此为一起政法部门不依法办案、党政领导非法干预司法的案件,彭水县委书记已被免职。(1月19日《南方都市报》http://news.163.com/07/0119/09/ 356JIAFC000120GU.html)

冤案昭雪,“窦娥”获释,主要责任者被免职,无论如何,这都应该说是一件值得拍手称快的事。而官方结论前所未有的认定此为一起党政领导“非法干预司法”的案件,就更可以说令人有豁然开朗的感觉!但是,反过来看,我们又可以说它其实解决地只是最皮毛的问题,只是个人的问题;而那些根本性的问题,那此具有普遍意义的问题,却并没有得到解决。

什么是皮毛的和个人的问题呢?就是秦中飞的获释,是彭水县委书记的被免;什么是根本性和具有普遍意义的问题呢?恰恰就是党政领导非法干预司法的问题。

说到这里,我们有必要再来了解一下“彭水诗案”的形成过程。

首先是县长指示公安介入调查。8月31日,彭水县长周伟获悉《沁园春。彭水》短信内容,随即要求公安部门介入调查,当天秦中飞便“落网”。据调查组后来所做调查,9月1日上午,彭水县公安局、检察院侦查监督科、法院刑庭多个部门领导坐在一起研究案情,除此之外,还有一些非政法部门的领导也参加了会议。研究结果很快出炉,决定以涉嫌诽谤罪立案调查。

接下来,是县领导要求“五天办结”。参与此案办理的官员透露,9月1日当天,一名职务在县委常委、政法委书记、公安局长周明光之上的县领导就此案提出具体要求,“出手要狠,效果要好,五天内办结”。在这个指示的指导下,公安部门加紧展开调查。9月1日,警方两次审讯秦中飞,还对审讯过程进行了录像,同时对秦中飞的办公室进行了搜查,警方同时找接收短信的人员进行询问。

当晚县长周伟、县委副书记孟德华、县委常委、政法委书记、公安局局长周明光会同检察院、公安等部门再次就此案件召开会议,其间非政法部门的多名官员也一并参加。参会的一位官员透露,周伟县长认为公安局办案不力,效果不明显,要求加派人手办案,另外还让检察院提前介入。会后,也就是9月1日晚,彭水县公安局以涉嫌“诽谤罪”将秦中飞刑事拘留,羁押在看守所。“挨批评”的公安局局长加派了十余名干警,参与此案的办理。经过数次提审和外围取证,询问了40多名接受短信者,公安局随后向检察院提请逮捕秦中飞。由于之前的会议对此案已经有了“定论”,检察院迅速下发了逮捕令,9月11日秦中飞被执行逮捕。(以上皆据《南方都市报》)

很明显,这个过程的极端荒谬在于,当彭水县的党政领导认为自己受到了诽谤时,他们居然有权指派公安部门介入调查,又有权指示检察机关批准对秦逮捕,只差了还未来得及在他们的指示下对秦进行审判。这就好比让我们看了一场特殊的球赛,在这场特殊的球赛中有那么一方既是球员,又是裁判,他可以在场上予取予求,任性而为。

但是,我们又可以这样来做一番思考,即如果发生在彭水的这一事件不是“彭水诗案”,比如是发生了比较常见的什么抢劫案,于是彭水县党政领导便指派公安部门迅速介入调查,又指示检察机关尽快对抓获的犯罪嫌疑人做出逮捕的决定,同时要求法院对嫌犯严判,人们又会如何去看待呢?这时我想人们或许就会如此认为了:这太常见了,很正常啊,没有什么问题,领导做得很对!

是的,一直以来,我们的司法还从未真正实现过独立。司法接受党政领导的领导,按党政领导的指示办事也正是一种普遍意义上、由制度所赋予的必然性约束,它甚至已经成了被大众认同的公共选择逻辑。

所以,“彭水诗案”中彭水县党政领导的“不幸”其实并不在于事件的过程,并不在于他们“非法干预司法”本身,而仅仅在于他们不该以诽谤的名义入秦中飞以罪,而又完全忽视了现在已经是一个信息时代,忽视了彭水所处即使再偏僻,它那里发生的一些具有轰动效应的事件依然会通过互联网迅速传播,而传统媒体当然也会迅速跟进,从而使他们陷于被动。

所以,笔者以为,彭水县委书记个人职务的被免并不意味着党政领导“非法干预司法”的终结,它代表的只是一个人某种意义上的“不幸”。而要终结党政领导“非法干预司法”,需要地是彻底改变现行中国政治生活中的党委负责制,是要使那些县委书记们也要受到监督!

民主论坛

王心丽:夏志清的角度——读《岁除的哀伤》

 

《岁除的哀伤》是一本真挚、率性、洋洋洒洒的书,虽然书中写到的都是陈年旧事、旧话的回忆,但对于生在红旗下、长在红旗下的大陆读者来说,这些陈年旧事、旧话也算全新的信息。早在八十年代中期,就听说夏志清先生的名字和著作的书名,听说了20年,最近才见到汉语简化字文本。夏志清先生不止一处提到大陆学者读书少,作家读书更少,这不能怪大陆学者、大陆作家和大陆读者不好学,不用功,因为很多年,有很多书都不让进入大陆,不让在大陆出版。2006年江苏文艺出版社出版了夏志清先生的随笔集,复旦大学出版社出版了《中国现代小说史》大陆的普通读者才有幸买到,读到,尽管是删节本还是有幸,读到总比读不到的好。

 我读《岁除的哀伤》正值2006年岁除。这期间中国大陆文坛为几件事情纷纷嚷嚷:由诗人要包养,作家乞讨,引出关于“二奶作家”的话题、“作家富豪排行榜”的话题、中国大陆当代文学的衰落与否、以及一个德国的汉学家指出:中国大陆当代文学的垃圾现象的话题等等,说不清是搞笑,还是幽默,还是哀伤。怎么解释都看不到“尊严”二字。这本书我是断断续续读完的,读了两遍。在书上划了很多杠杠,做了很多记号,读着,感叹着。

 坐在长途大巴上在高速公路上飞奔,也会想起到这书中的一些内容:夏志清先生初见张爱玲是在1944年。而发现张爱玲的文学成就是在1952年写作《中国现代小说史》的过程中。夏先生这样写到:当时已读了不少五四以来小说家作品,虽然几位颇有成就,但拙劣的居多,读后心中很烦。因之,我读《传奇》《流言》时,全身为之震惊,想不到中国文坛会出这样一个奇才,以“质”而言,实在可以同西洋现代极少数第一流作家相比而无愧色。这部随笔集不少篇目是关于张爱玲的。夏志清先生对张爱玲的评价多处用了最高级副词“最”和“非常”。如:读了《秧歌》和《赤地之恋》后,深信张爱玲是当代最重要的作家,也是五四以来最优秀的作家。在悼张爱玲那篇《超人才华,绝世凄凉》中认为《秧歌》是不朽之作,《金锁记》是从古以来最伟大的中篇小说。

 这让人想到前一段时期网络上关于“伟大的作家”以及“伟大的小说”之类的讨论,什么是伟大的作家?什么是伟大小说?在这本书中我读到:张爱玲的小说起初都发表在上海礼拜六派杂志上的,是当时上海主流批评家所不屑的。当时上海对女明星、女作家的话题不过花边而已。上海当时的主流批评家的眼光放在巴金、曹禺和一些左派作家的作品。在这本书中我还读到:西方的批评家、学者也有主流和先锋之分。主流既是正统,既是保守。对待诗人艾略特看法就是这样的,艾略特和艾略特的作品多年后,才被主流、正统的学院派认可,尊为世纪大师。“我保存两件胡适手迹”中有这么一段:“胡校长接着说,美国大学英文系的正派教授,最讨厌艾略特、庞德这两位现代派叛徒。”接下来的文字便把胡适批了一通。读到这一段,我就想到那个德国汉学家说的中国当代文学的垃圾现象,他读了多少篇中国当代文学作品得出这样的结论,他是保守的学院派,还是信口开河的批评家?中国人抓到其只言片语当作新式武器,先横扫一把,还能引起许多作家,批评家激动,似乎有点整体弱智的意味。

 在夏志清先生的《中国现代小说史》出版之前,张爱玲是在文学史上不列名的作家,张爱玲的列名是因为夏志清先生对中国文学的重评价。1961年出版的《中国现代小说史》给了张爱玲47页,给了鲁迅只有27页。这倒不是夏志清先生附和大众读者阅读趣味做出媚俗批评。读过那篇 “耶鲁谈往”便能看出他的文学批评和作品评价态度的严谨公允,以及选择论题角度的独到。进入字里行间,觉得读书是那么有意思,文学批评是那么意思,做学问是那么有意思,按照自己的看法对文学作品和已有的文学评价“重评价”是那么有意思。新中国成立之时,夏先生正在耶鲁苦读,若是他也像当时的很多学者一样回到祖国,就不会有那么多关于中国文学的经典著作,完全不是现在的大学者、大批评家夏志清,更谈不上夏志清的公允、独立的批评角度。

 1944年夏志清先生就见过张爱玲,而对张爱玲作品的阅读、研究和评价却在八年之后。在那篇“初见张爱玲,喜逢刘金川”中写到对张爱玲的第一眼印象:1944年的张爱玲在脸色红润,戴着一副厚玻璃的眼镜,厚玻璃眼镜至少有八九百度,厚玻璃眼镜把她脸部的美都掩盖起来,形象同照片上的不一样……张爱玲是当时的红作家,她穿着一袭旗袍或西服站着谈话,笑起来的样子一点不自信,听众围着她。

 (张爱玲的不自信也夏志清先生的发现,在另一篇文章说,张爱玲对自己作品面对一些批评家的批评也不大自信。这让读者看到旷世才女的另一面。)

 1944年夏先生只读过张的处女作《天才梦》,因为抱定宗旨研究英美文学,不读中国当代作品。可在这次聚会上却一见钟情于圣约翰大学英文系毕业的宁波小姐刘金川而不能自制,甚至觉得她像莎士比亚喜剧《如愿》中的罗塞琳,写了5页纸的英文信又被退回。以至到78岁非常自恋地写道:她的照片我都没有一帧,这封信对于我来说倒是有保存价值的……1947年他赴美读书的时候,把这封信也带了出去。写到最后笔锋一转:想把24岁写的真情流露的英文情书,翻译成中文,让读者看到我年轻时代的真面目云云。之后还要再追写到:“那天散会后,我一个人回家,孙贵定、张爱玲的谈话都不在我心上,因为我已经完全给刘金川迷住了,到家天还没黑,我却叫阿二帮我把床搭起来,要在床上无休止地去回想伊人,回想一个我为了她甘心堕入情网的神奇下午。”这篇写得特别诙谐。

 在《岁除的哀伤》中,关于张爱玲、关于胡适、关于北大、关于钱钟书,关于八十年代的曹禺印象,都从独特的角度,做了超出一般读者所知的真实叙述。最后还要再说张爱玲,如果她留在大陆不走,不只是绝世凄凉,而是绝世凄惨。1957年那个关她过不去,1966年文化大革的关她更过不去。左派作家是什么作家?左派批评家是什么批评家?革命文学是什么文学?张爱玲不幸之幸:当年适时离开了中国大陆,并且遇到了慧眼识金的大批评家、治学严谨、公允的大学者夏志清先生。


 

Anatomy of Misery

Anatomy of Misery

By LIESL SCHILLINGER

Published: January 21, 2007

Paula Spencer, a widowed working mother in north Dublin, has an exhausting job and four kids to fret about. At 47, she’s still a “good-looking woman” who makes time to keep abreast of popular trends: taking in the odd White Stripes or Coldplay concert, Googling her name on the Internet, contemplating yoga and nursing the hope of one day meeting a suitable partner — like Joe, a retiree in a Nike hoodie whose wife left him for another woman.

Andrea Ventura

PAULA SPENCER

By Roddy Doyle.

281 pp. Viking. $24.95.

Guilty admission: the above summation is a capricious concentration of the scarce cheering bits that dot the lumpy gruel of Paula’s life, like raisins scavenged from a happier woman’s larder. Before you mistake Paula for a with-it new player in the budding genre of “mom lit” — the baby-on-board successor to chick lit, spearheaded by Allison Pearson in her very funny best-selling novel, “I Don’t Know How She Does It” — bear in mind that the author of “Paula Spencer” is Roddy Doyle, and remember that the roots of mom lit began long before Sarah handpicked Hagar to be her surrogate. Remember too that Medea was also a mother, one whose story was told by others.

Doyle first introduced readers to Paula a decade ago in the gripping faux-memoir, “The Woman Who Walked Into Doors,” told in Paula’s blindered first-person. Back then, she buoyantly recalled the rapture she felt on meeting her future husband: “I swooned the first time I saw Charlo. I actually did.” A tough guy in a bomber jacket with a cigarette hanging from his mouth, Charlo “blew a gorgeous jet of smoke up into the light,” and hooked her. “It got me then and it gets me now: cigarettes are sexy — they’re worth the stench and the cancer. … I wanted to go over there and bite him.”

One way or another, she did. And Charlo bit back. And punched and kicked and head-butted her, blacked her eyes, ripped out her hair, sent her to the hospital year after year. Early on, Paula took to drink, her spin on mother’s little helper. By the time Charlo was killed during a botched hold-up, 17 years into the marriage, Paula was ravaged, her family in ruins, her identity shredded, her spirit coiled in a perpetual defensive crouch.

It’s a testament to the incantatory power of Doyle’s writing in that earlier book that Paula’s valiant will to glorify, not horrify, her past and to survive her present overshadows her husband’s campaign to crush her. Back then, Doyle’s narrative cunningly guided the reader with a trail of crumbs that took a meandering route before forking off into the torture chamber. Satisfyingly, the torturer died. The reader had hope that the victim would recover her full strength.

But in this sequel, we meet Paula, roughly a decade on and only four months and five days sober. Her two older children, the gratingly self-sufficient Nicola and the former junkie John Paul, have their own kids and households; but the two youngest still live at home: Leanne, a scrappy, bed-wetting 22-year-old alcoholic, and teenage Jack, the pet, who is miraculously addiction-free. Paula catches him sniffing her breath to make sure she’s clean and mourns the watchfulness her weakness has forced on him.

As she struggles to dig herself out of the pit of alcoholism, to brush the dust off her bonds with the children who grew up under her damaged care, her failures overwhelm her. “You can’t leave things behind,” she thinks to herself. “They come with you. You can manage. That’s the best you can expect.” She knows she can’t have her slate wiped clean, but she wishes it weren’t so thickly marked. “I’m sick of feeling guilty,” she rages inwardly, as Leanne baits her, slaps her. “Get over it! She wants to yell. Grow up and get out of my house,” she thinks, “so I don’t have to face you every day and feel guilty all over again.” In a word: yeesh.

As Paula’s months of sobriety pile up, her efforts begin to gain traction. Still, it’s slow going. “I haven’t been a good mother,” she says to her son in a moment of cautious rapprochement. “No, he says. — You haven’t. … But I don’t have another one.” Later, she torments herself: “Alcoholics can stop drinking but what is there for the children of alcoholics? Is it always too late? Probably.”

The thought is enough to drive you to drink. Nonetheless, Paula soldiers abstemiously on, determined to improve her family’s lot, taking the sort of cleaning jobs only immigrants sign on for — “the only white woman in the van” — too late to catch the wave of prosperity that visited Ireland in the ’90s. “She’s been left behind,” she realizes. “She knows that. But she’s always known it.” Listening to U2, whose members grew up in her own Dublin neighborhood, she recognizes the irony that “she was being hammered, battered to the floor, while they were becoming famous.” Paula’s story feels ageless, but it’s not. The White Stripes concert she hears (she went to clean the stands, not to rock out) actually took place. Paula would have been 48 then, and 50 now.

The ineluctable suffering of wives and mothers has been a time-honored staple of fiction from classical times to the present. The literary imagination insists that Hecuba must endure her children’s deaths while Medea, betrayed, must kill hers. Anna Karenina strays from her marriage and pays; so does Madame Bovary. Dostoyevsky created one of the most gruesome images of female misery in “Crime and Punishment,” in a dream about an overburdened mare whose cruel owner beats her to death after a lifetime of service.

In other books (notably “The Snapper”), Roddy Doyle has sometimes cut his heroines more slack, without depriving them of the authenticity of misfortune. It’s a tragic fact that abused, alcoholic women exist in abundance, and telling their stories in unsparing detail, as Doyle does, is both important and noble. But is it any wonder that some 21st-century writers have been recasting the female-lead template, multiplying the varieties of fiction written about women?

In a freakish coincidence, Doyle’s Paula Spencer has a real-world double whose fortunes contrast starkly with those of her fictional namesake. When Jack helps his mammy Google her name, they find 575,000 hits. It turns out that (quite literally) there is an American mother of four named Paula Spencer who has not remotely been left behind. Shes a mom-lit pathbreaker: a Womans Day columnist and the author or co-author of numerous books, the most recent of which is titled, Momfidence! An Oreo Never Killed Anybody and Other Secrets of Happier Parenting.

Its all very well to titter … but which Paula Spencer would you want for a mother?

Liesl Schillinger is a regular contributor to the Book Review.

The Upside-Down Critic

The Upside-Down Critic

What to make of Robert Hughes’ Australian roots.

By Mia Fineman

In his recent memoir, Things I Didn’t Know, art critic Robert Hughes pinpoints the moment he decided to leave his native Australia to begin a new life as a permanent expatriate. It was a warm evening in 1962. Hughes and his mentor, popular historian Alan Moorehead, were talking shop as they pounded down Gewürztraminer at Hughes’ apartment in Sydney. “If you stay here another ten years,” Moorehead told him, “Australia will still be a very interesting place. But you will have become a bore, a village explainer.”

Hughes heeded his friend’s advice, staying first at Moorehead’s villa in Tuscany, then moving to London, where he lived on the fringes of hippie counterculture (“all dope, rhetoric, be-ins, and powdered bullshit,” as he recalls) and wrote art reviews for the “quality Sundays”: the Times, the Telegraph, the Observer, the Spectator. In 1970, he got a call from Time (on a neighbor’s phone; his had been disconnected) offering him a job as the magazine’s art critic. His anecdote about this incident is a perfect snapshot of the good old days of cultural journalism: The editor who called him was drunk from his habitual three-martini lunch; Hughes was stoned to the gills on hash and, in his paranoia, assumed he was talking to the CIA. They worked it out; he took the job, moved to New York, and over the course of 30 years churned out hundreds of eloquent, witty, briskly opinionated columns for his target audience of intelligent, nonspecialist readers.

Hughes’ forays into television further broadened his exposure and established him as a celebrity art critic. He honed his amiably pugnacious persona as writer and presenter of The Shock of the New (1980), an eight-part series on modern art for the BBC, and American Visions (1997), his PBS survey of four centuries of American art. The series and their accompanying books are exemplary works of cultural history for a mass audience, masterpieces of education-as-entertainment. Hughes has turned out to be a “village explainer” in the best sense, bringing the insights of a clear-eyed expat to a village that encompasses most of the English-speaking world. At the same time, his memoir reveals just how formative an influence Aussie culture of the ’50s was, in particular its aspirational yet skeptical relationship to European art. It helped produce a critic of rare bluntnesswho also has blinkers of his own.

Hughes is a bravura performer, both on the screen and on the page. He writes with astounding verve, in a voice that slips easily between boisterous vulgarity and polished eloquence. In Things I Didn’t Know, which chronicles his career through 1970, he says the single greatest influence on his approach to criticism was George Orwell. For Hughes, Orwell’s no-nonsense prose style and clear, everyday language offered an astringent antidote to the “airy-fairy, metaphor-ridden kind of pseudo-poetry” that filled the art magazines of the early ’60s. As a result of this early trainingand probably also as a matter of temperamentHughes’ writing is muscular and dazzlingly lucid; he refuses to indulge in sublime metaphysical musings or languid adjectival swooning, opting instead for precise, verbally nimble descriptions of art’s effects. His critical perspective is that of an erudite outsider, which makes him immensely appealing to a mainstream readership: He knows his stuff, but he hasn’t drunk the Kool-Aid.

Hughes’ skepticism served him well during the boom years of the early ’80s, when inflated reputations sprouted like mushrooms in the rich soil of n overheated art market. Bad reviews are always the most fun to read, and for sheer entertainment value nothing beats his poison-pen takedowns of art stars like Julian Schnabel (whose “work is to painting what Stallone’s is to actinga lurching display of oily pectorals”), or Jeff Koons, whom he described as having “the slimy assurance & of a blow-dried Baptist selling swamp acres in Florida.” (Hughes’ pop-culture metaphors are vicious fun, and far from “airy-fairy.”) His “SoHoiad: or, The Masque of Art,” a satire in heroic couplets published in the New York Review of Books in 1984, remains the snarkiest skewering of the contemporary art world that has yet seen the light of day.

Hughes can be just as vivid when writing about the art he loves. He has described the boys in Caravaggio’s paintings, for example, as “overripe bits of rough trade, with yearning mouths and hair like black ice cream,” and evoked Francis Bacon’s famous screaming pope “smearily rising from blackness like carnivorous ectoplasm.” In general, his taste tends toward art with a sensuous, intelligent physicality, a tactile sense of craftedness, and subject matter you can sink your teeth into. Goya is a longstanding favorite (his superb biography of the artist was recently issued in paperback), and he has published persuasive encomiums to contemporaries including Lucian Freud, Philip Guston, Robert Rauschenberg, and Robert Crumb.

But all critics have their blind spots: particular styles or tendencies that they categorically dismiss, unable or unwilling to engage with the work on its own terms. Hughes’ is conceptual art, particularly the ludic, cerebral variety that began with Duchamp and has been carried on by generations of artists, from Joseph Beuys and John Baldessari through Tracy Emin and Maurizio Cattelan. For Hughes, most conceptual art is too intellectualized, too disembodied; it lacks the substance and sensual immediacy that defines truly great art. “Art requires the long look,” he wrote in the introduction to his 1990 collection of essays, Nothing If Not Critical. “It is a physical object, with its own scale and density as a thing in the world.” While this is true of most art up through the 19th century, the new century ushered in a new way of thinking about art as a set of concepts, a mode of interaction, a manner of seeing and apprehending the world that mayor may notbe tied to a discrete physical object. To reject this approach entirely is to cut oneself off from much of what’s interesting and compelling in the art of the last 100 years. And it’s here, in his refusal to engage with this core tenet of contemporary art, that Hughes still exudes a faint whiff of provincialism.

Though he has lived and worked outside Australia for more than 40 yearsmore than half his lifetimeHughes has never renounced his Australian citizenship; in American Visions, he confesses that he has always found “a degree of freedom” in his status as a resident alien. This jealously guarded outsider’s perspective is one of his great strengths as a criticit has enabled him to look at art with fresh eyes and to dissent from the majority opinion, particularly concerning contemporary artbut it’s also the source of his greatest weakness. To Hughes, conceptual art looks like nothing more than an insider’s mind game. And while it’s true that much conceptual art is trivial or banal or needlessly hermetic, the track record of traditional, object-based art is no better. I would love to see Hughes set aside his doubts (at least temporarily), step inside the circle, and grapple with conceptual art on its own terms. But perhaps it’s too much to expect even our greatest village explainer to explain it all.

A Pessimist in FlowerThe love songs of Thomas Hardy

A Pessimist in FlowerThe love songs of Thomas Hardy


Illustration by Charlie Powell. Click image to expand.I

In 1912, when he was 72, Thomas Hardy began to write a series of love poems about his wife, Emma. The poems were unlikely for several reasons. First, for years he and Emma had been estranged, and she had retreated to sleep alone in the attic, where she wrote letters to friends about his unkindness. By this point, Hardy was a literary celebrity, and had maintained flirtations with more than one woman. His reputation was based largely on his fiction; his controversial later novels, among them Tess of the d’Urbervilles and Jude the Obscure, had cemented his stature as a portraitist of country life and thwarted small-town aspirations. Second, Hardy was famous for his indictment of marriagea bishop publicly burned his copy of Jude, and a Victorian newspaper, shocked by it, labeled it “Jude the Obscene.” What no one, including Hardy himself, would have guessed was that Emma would prove to be, as Claire Tomalin claims in her brisk new biography of the author, “his best inspiration.” That fall, Emma suddenly fell ill, and she died before Hardy got a chance to say goodbye to her. In the months after her death, numerous poems in her memory poured out of himlove lyrics of acute regret in which one of his recurrent themes was distilled in its most distinctive form. That theme could be said to be our failure to perceive the shadowy outlines of our own experience; life, in Hardy’s view, was nothing but a strangely prismed window onto the peculiar workings of time.

In many ways, Hardy must have seemed, when he published these poems, to be a relic. At a time when Ezra Pound, T.S. Eliot, and other Modernists were breaking open the conventions available to poets, Hardy deployed traditional English ballad forms and archaic, sometimes awkward, inversions. He saw celebrating the “old ways” of England as one of his missions. Yet the best of the poems about Emma fit no category, and his traditionalism obscures a kind of radical modernity, an outlook that pierced through Victorian pieties to see the bedrock truth of an actual marriage. This may be why Virginia Woolf, alive to what made his work fresh, said that Satires of Circumstance, the 1914 collection in which the poems about Emma appeared, was “the most remarkable book to appear in my lifetime.” He followed no Modernist doctrine, yet could be said to be more forward-looking than many of those who did.

The son of a mason, Hardy was an enterprising social climber at a time when a rigid class hierarchy was still in place. And he attained the success he soughta trajectory, unlike beleaguered Jude’s, that might well seem the embodiment of an optimistic faith in social justice. In 1870, he met Emma Gifford on an architectural business trip to Cornwall. Taken with her wildness and her fresh, rosy skin, hecourted her despite the objections of her familyshe was of a higher class than heand they married in 1874. He had spent years writing at night and working for an architect by day, and it paid off when his novel Desperate Remedies was accepted by a publishing house. (His first novel, an attack on the upper classes, was rejected for its radical politics; thereafter, many of his novels were written and revised to fit the demands of the marketplace.) For a period, the marriage was a happy one. But over the years, Hardy’s world expanded while Emma’s shrank, and she lost the looks that had caught his eye. Soon he was conducting dalliances with well-born women; refining his satirical take on the hypocrisies of Victorianism; and further exploring atheism. All this alienated Emma, who was more religious than he; by some accounts, she grew “half-cracked” and “defensive.” When she moved to the attic late in the marriage, she was embittered and irrevocably distanced from Hardy.

What is so remarkable about the Emma poems? In the 80 or so he wrote before he diedmany of which are gathered in “Poems of 1912-13” from Satires of Circumstancethe profound paradoxes of Hardy’s work are evident. As Michael Millgate, his most painstaking biographer, has pointed out in Thomas Hardy: A Biography Revisited, Hardy was profoundly nostalgic for the customs of preindustrial England and yet deeply skeptical about the pillars of Victorian morality and religion. The remorse expressed in his poems about Emma is double-edged and hard-headed, capturing the games time plays on us by holding us captive to impossible desires. (No wonder Proust liked his work.) Hardy does not exactly chastise himself for his indifference to Emma. Instead, he invokes his longing for the period when the couple met in North Cornwall, for when “our day was fair.” What Hardy misses is not his wife, per se, but the woman she once was, and the promise she briefly embodied (“You were she who abode/ By those red-veined rocks far West &/ While life unrolled us its very best.”)

The poem is sentimental, to be sure, but it is sentiment of a brutally realistic sort: The poem briskly discards such longing to note, “Well, well! All’s past amend,/ Unchangeable. It must go./ I seem but a dead man held on end/ To sink down soon & O you could not know/ That such swift fleeing/ & would undo me so!” Unlike the Modernists, Hardy places little value on individual experience; the speaker’s loss is rendered as an immense foreground only to be dismissed with the matter-of-factness that earned Hardy the label “pessimist” (but that he might himself have merely called “realist”). In his view, bleakness is not fatalism, but an accurate portrayal of the mechanics of life. That he insists so while appearing to inhabit forgotten emotions all over again is the more extraordinaryand one of the reasons these poems, with their condensed bursts of insight, are the equal of his best novels.

At the time of their writing, he was in love with a younger woman who eventually became his wife. Yet the poems for Emma resonate with the poet’s forlorn desire to sift through the ember of memories, as if to light them once more, only to find his hands stained with ashes. This, he seems to say, is the material of our lives: a regret more powerful than the experience itself. Among the best are “The Voice,” “Your Last Drive,” “The Walk,” “After a Journey,” and “A Dream or No.” Here is “The Voice,” in full:

Woman much missed, how you call to me, call to me,
Saying that now you are not as you were
When you had changed from the one who was all to me,
But as at first, when our day was fair.

Can it be you that I hear? Let me view you, then,
Standing as when I drew near to the town
Where you would wait for me: yes, as I knew you then,
Even to th original air-blue gown!

Or is it only the breeze, in its listlessness
Travelling across the wet mead to me here,
You being ever dissolved to wan wistlessness,
Heard no more again far or near?

Thus I; faltering forward,
Leaves around me falling,
Wind oozing thin through the thorn from norward,
And the woman calling.

The poem offers an extraordinary example of how poetic meter can subtly shape our perception of time. The rhyme scheme acts out a powerful sense that the crux of the matter was long past. Hardy does this by using a regular meter with multisyllabic rhymes (“call to me” and “all to me”) in which the most important stress falls not on the last word (as is more typical) but on the second-to-last iamb (“call” or “all”). This creates a kind of dying fall, a slacking off from the height of the emotionmimicking the arc of the relationship itself. Then there is the abrupt, even ugly change in the final stanza, in which the speaker, “faltering forward,” is prevented from reaching his destination by “wind oozing thin through the thorn.” The loss here has no antidote. The ghostly woman goes on “calling” in an endless, bleak present, a portent of what Hardy would have called “nescience”that is, the unknowing that comes with death.

Over the years, critics have spent a lot of time trying to explain how Hardy wasn’t a Victorian, yet wasn’t a Modernist either, claiming that English poetry has truly followed his path (extended through Philip Larkin), or arguing that it has firmly left him behind. In doing so, they echo Hardy’s own sense that he was a peculiar outsider, a childhood daydreamer forced to make a place for himself in a puzzlingly conventional society. But they miss his essence. As he wrote in his earliest extant poem, composed around 1857, about flowers by his grandmother’s house, “Red roses, lilacs &/Are there in plenty, and such hardy flowers/ As flourish best untrained.” It’s impossible not to hear “hardy” as a self-reference, evocative of the poet’s own early intuition that he would thrive as one “untrained” by convention, kept, perhaps profitably, from the halls of Oxbridge, and likewise unlucky (or just awfully honest) in love.

How did Tchaikovsky die?

How did Tchaikovsky die?

On the eve of an ambitious BBC retrospective, Adam Sweeting reports on the controversies that still surround the composer’s death

In summer 2005, the BBC launched a blitz of round-the-clock Beethoven on TV and radio in what was supposedly the biggest retrospective of the works of a single composer in the corporation’s history. Now they’re about to do it again with Tchaikovsky, unveiling a swathe of films and drama-documentaries, followed by a week-long broadcast of the complete works of Tchaikovsky and Stravinsky on Radio 3 in February.



Tragic: Tchaikovsky (played by Ed Stoppard) with his brother Modest (William Mannering) in the forthcoming BBC docu-drama

Conductor Charles Hazlewood features prominently in four of the TV programmes, and is delighted to have had the chance to rectify what he sees as a historical distortion of Tchaikovsky’s music. He deplores the way many post-Second World War conductors converted his work into a glutinous syrup  “especially Herbert von Karajan, who should have been shot for the disservice he performed”  and wants instead to “show that this is music of enormous visceral power and at times coarse brutality, as well as of almost unbearable sweetness”.

Perhaps Hazlewood has been reading the former New York Times critic Harold C Schonberg, who wrote that “for a long time Tchaikovsky, so loved by the public, was discounted by many connoisseurs and musicians as nothing but a weeping machine”. Misunderstood or not, Tchaikovsky’s music remains some of the best-loved and most-performed in the symphonic, ballet and operatic repertoires.

Hazlewood’s drama-documentary re-creates some of the most important episodes in the life of Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky, but it sidesteps the controversy that still surrounds the composer’s death. Despite decades of debate, no scholar has delivered the final word on whether Tchaikovsky’s death was misfortune or suicide. Hazlewood says: “We’ve deliberately left it quite open-ended. My personal view is that he wasn’t trying to commit suicide. I think he probably snogged the wrong bloke and got cholera  simple as that.”

Death from cholera was the official version endorsed by doctors in St Petersburg after the composer’s demise on November 6, 1893, and repeated by early biographers. Supposedly, Tchaikovsky had drunk a glass of unboiled tap water, which seems a reckless thing to do during an epidemic of a fatal water-borne disease. None the less, his death was imputed to carelessness rather than deliberate self-destruction.

But almost immediately, alternative versions of the story began to circulate, most of them predicated on the idea that the composer had died not from disease, but from arsenic poisoning. Some surmised that he had killed himself in despair at his homosexuality, or fear of its disclosure.

The composer’s drinking and gambling binges suggested another possible motive for self-extinction. While another variant had Tchaikovsky contracting cholera from a male prostitute, many dismissed the cholera story precisely because it was considered a disease of poverty, much too squalid a fate for the famous and solidly bourgeois Tchaikovsky.

Fellow-composer Rimsky-Korsakov was dubious about the cholera diagnosis because quarantine regulations weren’t followed. Tchaikovsky received a steady stream of visitors duing his final days, and his body was not sealed in a zinc coffin as was the normal practice.

Tchaikovsky’s sister-in-law, Olga Tchaikovskaya, claimed that he was poisoned by one of his doctors, Vassily Bertenson, at Tsar Alexander III’s behest. Elsewhere, it was rumoured that the Tsar drove the composer to suicide by commanding that “Tchaikovsky must disappear at once,” after the caretaker at Tchaikovsky’s apartment building reported that the composer had seduced his son.

The most durable of the suicide theories is the one advanced in 1980 by Alexandra Orlova, a Soviet musicologist who had emigrated to the USA. In a story supposedly told to her by an elderly historian, Alexander Voitov, Tchaikovsky had committed a sexual indiscretion too far, becoming involved with the nephew of a certain Duke Stenbock-Fermor. Homosexuality was illegal in Russia, with offenders liable to penalties including deportation to Siberia and being whipped with birch rods.

The apoplectic Duke wrote a letter of complaint to Tsar Alexander III, passing the letter via Nikolai Jakobi, chief prosecutor of the Russian senate. Jakobi had been a classmate of Tchaikovsky’s at the St Petersburg School of Jurisprudence, and conceived the notion of convening a “court of honour” of fellow alumni, who would pass judgment on the tormented symphonist. It was they, according to Mme Orlova, who decreed that Russia’s greatest living composer should commit suicide to avoid besmirching the reputation of the School of Jurisprudence.

This story proved seductive to several eminent scholars, finding its way into biographical entries on Tchaikovsky in The New Oxford Companion to Music and The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (though the latter amended its findings to “not proven” in its second edition). However, marauding posses of rival specialists were soon picking holes in the Orlova thesis, and many considered that Alexander Poznansky last year delivered the coup de grâce with his exhaustively researched volume, Tchaikovsky’s Last Days: A Documentary Study.

Among other apparently lethal blows to the Orlova version, Poznansky revealed that there was no Duke Stenbock-Fermor, but there was a Count of that name. However, he was an equerry to Tsar Alexander, and would not have needed an intermediary to deliver a letter to his own boss.

As for the supposed threat to the reputation of the St Petersburg School of Jurisprudence represented by Tchaikovsky’s gay rampages, Poznansky depicted the school as a hotbed of all-male debauchery which even had its own song hymning the delights of homosexuality. In addition, the author characterised Russian court and artistic life as rife with homosexual affairs, to the extent that Tchaikovsky’s behavior would barely have raised an eyebrow among the champagne-imperialists of fashionable St Petersburg.

advertisementAs the Russian music specialist Prof Richard Taruskin commented, “Homosexuality was regarded, and indulged, as a form of libertinage. Russia was a feudal society until 1861, and ‘gentlemanly games’ were a traditional droit du seigneur.”

This doesn’t entirely account for the neurosis and self-loathing revealed in many of Tchaikovsky’s letters, which suggest the composer felt greater concern about his sexuality than academics writing a century later would have us believe. His marriage to besotted music student Antonina Milyukova in an attempt to eradicate his “pernicious passions” and put on a show of conventional respectability was an act of feverish desperation, ending catastrophically for both partners.

But perhaps the greatest disservice to Tchaikovsky’s work (other than spinning it in a blender of queasy Germanic suariness) would be to represent it as solely the expression of homosexual angst. The 19th-century critic James Huneker thought he could hear a homosexual “pathology”, while latterday “queer theorists” like to analyse his work through a politicised prism of gender and sexuality. Tchaikovsky would probably have preferred his listeners to appreciate him as a master melodist, inspired orchestrator and peerless musical craftsman.

This story proved seductive to several eminent scholars, finding its way into biographical entries on Tchaikovsky in The New Oxford Companion to Music and The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (though the latter amended its findings to “not proven” in its second edition). However, marauding posses of rival specialists were soon picking holes in the Orlova thesis, and many considered that Alexander Poznansky last year delivered the coup de grâce with his exhaustively researched volume, Tchaikovsky’s Last Days: A Documentary Study.

Among other apparently lethal blows to the Orlova version, Poznansky revealed that there was no Duke Stenbock-Fermor, but there was a Count of that name. However, he was an equerry to Tsar Alexander, and would not have needed an intermediary to deliver a letter to his own boss.

As for the supposed threat to the reputation of the St Petersburg School of Jurisprudence represented by Tchaikovsky’s gay rampages, Poznansky depicted the school as a hotbed of all-male debauchery which even had its own song hymning the delights of homosexuality. In addition, the author characterised Russian court and artistic life as rife with homosexual affairs, to the extent that Tchaikovsky’s behavior would barely have raised an eyebrow among the champagne-imperialists of fashionable St Petersburg.

advertisementAs the Russian music specialist Prof Richard Taruskin commented, “Homosexuality was regarded, and indulged, as a form of libertinage. Russia was a feudal society until 1861, and ‘gentlemanly games’ were a traditional droit du seigneur.”

This doesn’t entirely account for the neurosis and self-loathing revealed in many of Tchaikovsky’s letters, which suggest the composer felt greater concern about his sexuality than academics writing a century later would have us believe. His marriage to besotted music student Antonina Milyukova in an attempt to eradicate his “pernicious passions” and put on a show of conventional respectability was an act of feverish desperation, ending catastrophically for both partners.

But perhaps the greatest disservice to Tchaikovsky’s work (other than spinning it in a blender of queasy Germanic sugariness) would be to represent it as solely the expression of homosexual angst. The 19th-century critic James Huneker thought he could hear a homosexual “pathology”, while latterday “queer theorists” like to analyse his work through a politicised prism of gender and sexuality. Tchaikovsky would probably have preferred his listeners to appreciate him as a master melodist, inspired orchestrator and peerless musical craftsman.

BBC2, 9pm: Tchaikovsky: Fortune and Tragedy (part 2 of Charles Hazlewood’s drama-documentary). BBC4, 10pm: Discovering Tchaikovsky: Pathétique (Charles Hazlewood examines the Sixth Symphony)