古 原:“历史上的今天”并未走进历史

 

50年前的今天,《人民日报》发表社论《这是为什么?》,从此开始大规模的反右运动,55万以上的所谓反党反社会主义的右派分子,或是被送劳教、劳改,或被监督劳动,妻离子散,家破人亡,他们在中国大地演绎了一出现实版的“悲惨世界”。

50年后的今天,那些从悲惨世界活着出来的右派,不甘心自己的美好年华葬送在残酷的阶级斗争中,在耄耋之年,向政府提出赔偿的要求,可是,他们非但得不到应有的赔偿,反而遭受到又一番打压。反右受害者索赔发起人之一李昌玉被抄家,电脑及所作的书被没收;中国信息中心和劳改基金会前天和昨天在普林斯大学举办“反右五十周年研讨会”,大陆受邀者被中国当局阻挠出席,不得参加这个“反动”会议;国内媒体一律不得讨论“反右”……。总之,“反右”话题依然是个禁忌。“反右”运动已经被公认为一个历史的错误,中共自己也给99.9%的右派“改正”了,但“反右”却仍然是不得公开触及的禁区,这显然很不符合逻辑。

但是,如果符合逻辑,就没有中国特色的政治了。中国特色的政治,就是个人政治、一党政治。即,我给中央多少权,中央就有多少权,中央给地方多少权,地方就有多少权。最近吴邦国对香港自治要求的回应就是如此:中央给香港多少权利,香港就有多少权利。这和《满城尽是黄金甲》的皇上很一致:朕给你的,你才有,朕没给你的,你不可夺。

中央给过右派们“改正”了,现在右派们要索赔要道歉,这并不属于中央“给”的范围,右派们当然得不到他们应该得到的正义,即使这是一个迟来的正义,也是个非分之想。

没有经历过反右运动的人,是不可能对这场运动有切肤之痛的。文革后出生的人,因为这些历史在书本上被一笔带过,或根本不曾读到,更无从对反右运动有什么认识了。一段被故意或无意遗忘的历史,因此而从未进入历史。右派们除了被“改正”,恢复原职,别的一无所有。很多右派没有了生命,没有了家庭,没有了青春年华和健康。时至今日,他们连要求基本正义的权利也没有,比向日本索取战争赔偿的人还不如。日本法庭至少判过几宗索赔案件胜诉,日本首相也公开向战争受难者道过歉。至于国家间的战争赔偿,不是人家不给,而是国共两党为了各自得到日本的承认,而白纸黑字地主动放弃国家战争索赔要求。日本的战争赔偿,变为援华建设,这些援助,也不知落到哪个官家,肥了哪个贪官。总之是没有落到战争受害者手上。而中国政府,向哪个右派道过歉?又向哪个右派赔过偿?没有!

中国并不是没有资金来赔偿右派的损失,以今日中国GDP两位数的增长速度来算,以中国向非洲国家大方援助来算, 以贪官上千万亿万来贪的数字算,政府用经济方式来补偿右派们的无价损失,应该不成问题。成问题的是,党没有承认错误的先例。有错也是四人帮造成的,找他们去,不干我们的事。在中共看来,认错就是否定自己,否定自己就威胁到政权的稳定,政权不稳,就身家性命不保。这种封建意识的共产革命,生命力完全依附在绝对的权力上。因此,对于全球性化的民主浪潮,政府只取民主之名,而不行民主之实。所以,尽管“镇反”反错了,“反右”也反错了,文革也革错了,这个从毛祖宗过来的政权,从来也没有向自己关错杀错的几千万同胞赔偿道歉。至于在全世界“直播”的六四大屠杀,政府更不承认杀了人。在六四血迹未干之时,当时的中共国务院发言人袁木就牙干齿净地说,天安门广场没有死一个人。现在又有个香港的马力,说六四的北京不算是“屠城”。还好,六四只过了18年,幸存者、参与者、支持者及目击者都还在,不用人证物证也可以记起那场恐怖的大屠杀。18年来,人们以各种方式来纪念六四,并用理性取代感性来承传六四的精神。尤其香港民众,每年都举办六四大型烛光纪念晚会,18年如一日,真是难能可贵。今年的六四,更有个“向坚强的64遇难者母亲致敬”的广告出现在6月3日的《成都晚报》上,也有个六四平暴军功表出现在ebay,它带来的震动,无疑是一次影响巨大的特别纪念。

长期以来,当中国上下紧盯日本教科书关于侵华战争、南京大屠杀的真相有否被改写隐瞒,并因点滴更改而谴责日本时,他们为什么不也对自己的教科书负责?年轻的一代,不少人根本不知道什么是“镇反”、“反右”及“六四”等等历史大事件,政府对自己黑暗历史的成功的封杀,导致 “向坚强的64遇难者母亲致敬” 的“黑色幽默” 出现,因为处理广告的年轻人,相信了“六四”是一次“矿难”的解释,所以把这个广告登了出来。

50年前的今天是几十万右派及其家属开始他们苦难的历程的日子,50年后,他们在有生之年发出要求正义的声音,尽管希望渺茫,但仍然祝福他们。

独立中文笔会关于“反右”五十周年的声明

不能容许“反右”文字狱贻害至今

——独立中文笔会关于“反右”五十周年的声明

2007年6月8日

50年前的1957年3月,毛泽东和中共中央号召党外人士帮党整风,重申“百家争鸣、百花齐放”的方针;4月27日,中共中央发出《关于整风运动的指示》,提出“放手鼓励批评,坚决实行’知无不言,言无不尽,言者无罪,闻者足戒,有则改之,无则加勉’的原则”。中共各级组织和机关纷纷组织“党外人士座谈会”,鼓励人们畅所欲言。

然而,鸣放刚刚开始两个月,毛泽东就在5月15日写出了《事情正在起变化》,为反右运动定下了调子。6月8日,《人民日报》发表《这是为什么?》的社论,指出:“少数的右派份子正在向共产党和工人阶级的领导权挑战”。“他们企图乘此时机把共产党和工人阶级打翻,把社会主义的伟大事业打翻,拉者历史向后倒退,退到资产阶级专政,……把中国人民重新放在帝国主义及其走狗的反动统治之下。”同日,中共中央向全党发出毛泽东亲自起草的《关于组织力量准备反击右派份子的猖狂进攻的指示》,正式宣布反右运动的开始:“这是一场大战(战场既在党内,又在党外),不打胜这一仗,社会主义是建不成的,并且有出’匈牙利事件’的某些危险。”

于是,一场轰轰烈烈的反右运动在全中国展开,一场中国历史上、也是世界历史上最大的文字狱浩劫遽然降临。数以百万计的知识分子与正直之士被打倒在地,带来了“万马齐喑”的政治局面。

反右运动中抓右派的依据,无一例外是“右派言论”,是再典型不过的“以言治罪”。不仅是公开的言论要治罪(在会议上的发言和公开发表的文章),而且是私下的言论也要治罪(被揭发的私人谈话、私人信件、私人日记和造谣诬陷),已经达到“腹诽罪”的荒谬程度。

反右运动也是一场反法治的迫害运动,可以不经任何司法程序就剥夺上百万人的基本自由。没有检察院起诉、没有律师辩护、也没有法庭判决,而只有群众控诉、会议揭发、背后小报告、领导划圈和组织宣布。

正如《浙江部分反右受害者及其家属敬致全国人大的公开信》所言:“1957年的反右斗争是中国历史上冤者最多、株连最广、历时最长、手段最毒、胜过秦始皇焚书坑儒千百倍的大冤案。”绝大多数右派备受凌辱煎熬达20余年,其家人也都要遭遇程度不同的株连。

1957年的反右运动,作为中国历史上最大的文字狱灾难,前承“反胡风集团”的文字狱,后启全国“舆论一律”的谎言“大跃进”,从而导致非正常死亡达数千万人的“大饥荒”,也是“文革”更大规模的疯狂政治迫害的预演。

尽管1979年中共中央作出为55万右派平反的决定,但是由于当时的最高决策者邓小平是反右运动的前台总指挥,对这场旷古文字狱负有不可推卸的责任,所以邓小平对右派平反做了极为荒谬的辩解:“反右斗争是正确的,错误只在于扩大化。”为此还特意不给章伯钧、罗隆基、储安平、彭文应、陈仁炳等“大右派”平反。

邓小平的定性使为右派平反的举措半途而废,导致了一系列严重的后果。时至今日,反右运动的罪错仍然得不到根本纠正。一方面,中共政权没有向受害者公开道歉,也没有给与受害者以合理的国家赔偿;另一方面,反右运动的真相无法还原,官方档案不见天日,民间的记忆和反思被压制。正因为反右这场旷古文字狱的制度根源没有得到根除,中国“改革开放”近三十年来仍然是文字狱遍及全国。

然而,今日中国的民间不再愚昧和怯弱,当年的右派们也不愿再沉默下去,近年来民间不断发出重新评估反右运动诉求,时值反右运动五十周年之际,民间的呼声已经汇成不容小视的潮流——

2005年9月10日,重庆的116名右派及其亲属发出《中共中央全国人大国务院的公开信》;

2005年9月18日,全国182名右派及其亲属发出《要求平反右派大冤案 补偿物质和精神损失——致中共中央、全国人大、国务院》;

2007年2月28日,上海21名右派及其亲属发出《给中共中央、全国人大、国务院的申诉信——要求国家对右派分子正式道歉并给予经济补偿》;

2007年3月3日,全国61名右派发出《为纪念反右运动五十周年致中共中央、人大常委会、国务院的公开信》;

2007年3月8日,浙江41名右派及其家属发出《给全国人大的公开信》;

2007年3月9 日,新疆37名右派发出《致中共中央、人大常委会、国务院的公开信》;

2007年4月21日,3名右派和1名右派后代联名上书国家主席胡锦涛,要求必须彻底否定“反右派斗争”的错误政治运动;

2007年5月19日,北大10名右派发出《致北大校长的公开信》;

签名联署以上公开信的右派及其亲属和支持者至今已近四万人(见签名网:http://127.0.0.1:8567/dmirror/http/www.qian-ming.net/gb/default.aspx?dir=scp&cid=53)。

与此同时,关于反右运动的回忆、研究和反思的文章大量出现在互联网上。把“反右”检索引擎,在“百度”上是482,000条,在“谷歌”上是249,000条。

值此反右运动五十周年之际,独立中文笔会作为以捍卫言论自由为宗旨的民间写作者组织,鉴于“反右运动”是践踏言论自由的旷古文字狱,鉴于大陆民间关于反右运动的诉求的合法合理合情,鉴于积极参与民间纪念反右五十年的人士正受到迫害,为此声明如下:

一,支持右派及其亲属的诉求:1、要求中国政府开放言禁,允许人们用多种方式反思、总结反右运动的历史教训,找出和挖掉产生错误政治运动的根子,用制度来保障中国的民主进程;2、要求中国政府纠正“反右是正确的,必要的,缺点是扩大化”的错误结论,郑重宣布反右运动是完全违反中国宪法的错误的政治运动,向反右运动的受害者公开道歉;3、要求中国政府给与反右运动中的受害者给与必要的经济赔偿,特别是对于那些遭受开除公职、强制劳改、家破人亡等摧残而至今仍处于困境的知识分子和干部,至少使他们能够得到安度晚年的合法权利。

二,敦促中国政府停止对民间进行公开研究、介绍、讨论、纪念“反右”活动人士的跟踪、骚扰和迫害。本会在此特别关注笔会会员李昌玉先生的个案(参见附录)。李昌玉先生是50年前反右文字狱的受害者,至今仍然遭受着因言治罪的迫害,此案正是文字狱贻害至今的一个缩影和典型。

本会在此强烈抗议济南市有关当局对李昌玉先生的政治迫害,并呼吁:1,立即解除对李昌玉先生的监控与打压,恢复李昌玉先生的人身自由和旅行自由;2,停止用“非法出版”来构陷李昌玉先生,还李昌玉先生以写作自由;3,立即归还李昌玉先生的护照、电脑、手稿、作品等所有扣押的物品;4,追究政治迫害者的责任,不能容许“反右”文字狱贻害至今。

最后,我们呼吁中国政府落实“国家尊重和保障人权”的宪法原则,履行宪法中保障国民的言论自由的条款,依法处理包括反右在内的历史遗留问题,作为启动今日中国的政治改革的第一步。

附录:李昌玉先生个案简介

李昌玉先生是“老右派”,曾遭受长达数年的迫害。自2005年以来,他积极参与民间反思反右运动的活动,与其他右派一起率先发起网上右派签名活动:要求平反,要求补工资,要求向害人道歉。今年以来,他不但参与右派签名活动,而且撰写了大量有关反右的文章。

然而,从今年四月起,李昌玉先生所在学校党委书记奉命多次找他谈话,威胁他说:上面已经圈定全国三个闹事右派分子:北京的铁流、杭州的叶孝刚和山东的李昌玉。书记令他停止参与纪念反右五十周年的活动,否则后果不堪设想。这位党委书记还从济南去到秦皇岛向李昌玉先生的儿子施压,动员其回济南做父亲的思想工作。与此同时,有关部门开始严密监控李昌玉先生的电话和网络,李昌玉先生外出也有人跟踪。

今年四月,李昌玉先生收到美国的邀请函,请他六月赴美参加反右学术研讨会。他所在学校的领导再次上门阻止他前往美国。5月8日,李昌玉先生坐车在前往济南火车站的途中被几辆警车拦截,被带到所在地公安分局。一小时前,济南市新闻出版局的人员从他家小院水泵房抄走了他的文集《历史大视野》1940本,也抄走了他家的电脑。没收了他的护照。这本自费在香港出版的文集被当局作为非法出版物收缴,并立案移交济南公安局经侦大队处理。拦截他的就是经侦大队的多名警官。他们以“”传唤“名义扣留了李昌玉,并对他进行了七个小时的”询问“。传讯后,李昌玉先生虽然被释放回家,但他的人身自由、旅行自由和写作自由仍然受到严格限制。

Remembering Auden

Remembering Auden

By Alan Jacobs

In 2006, as lovers of poetry became aware that the 100th anniversary of W. H. Auden’s birth was coming up, some of them began to fret that the event wouldn’t receive the attention it deserved. No major celebrations seemed to be forthcoming, in pronounced contrast to the festivals for John Betjeman’s centenary that were going on throughout England in the second half of 2006. The BBC gave Betjeman a whole month of festivities, and wasn’t Auden a much greater poet, worthy of far more honor?

Yes, but & Betjeman was an enormously popular and beloved poet in England. (Almost the only person who didn’t love him was his tutor at Oxford, a young don named C. S. Lewisnot yet a Christian, by the waywho told his diary “I wish I could get rid of the idle prig,” and later wrote his pupil a letter which began, “Dear Betjemann [sic], You called the tune of irony from the first time you met me, and I have never heard you speak of a serious subject without a snigger.” Betjeman responded, in a book he published when he was twenty-seven, by offering effusive thanks to Lewis, “whose jolly personality and encouragement to the author in his youth have remained an unfading memory for the author’s declining years.”) And it was not just Betjeman’s poetry but also his deep love of EnglishnessEnglish architecture, English history, the traditional forms of English society, and the Church of Englandthat endeared him to his countrymen. As Richard Jenkyns has recently written, “Betjeman was not always sure that Christ was the Son of God, but he was absolutely sure that the Church of England was the true church”an epistemological condition that for many an Englishman indicates well-ordered priorities.

Auden, by contrast, left England for America in January of 1939 and never returned for anything more than an extended visit. Though only thirty-one at the time, he was one of the most famous writers in Englandhe was twenty-six when the phrase “the Auden generation” entered the languageand his failure to return to his native land when war broke out later that year was denounced by angry MPs in the House of Commons. And if his wartime detachment cost him the respect of British conservatives, his conversion to Christianity two years later alienated, dramatically and permanently, the political Left, for whom he had been a hero.

Auden almost immediately assumed a significant public presence in the United States: in the war years and after he wrote for a remarkable range of periodicals, including The New York Times, The New Republic, Commonweal, and The Nation. But American intellectuals were nearly as befuddled by Auden’s religion as his British ex-admirers. Randall Jarrell, the country’s most brilliant and influential critic of poetry and a fine poet himself, treated the Christian Auden with something approaching contempt, and convinced more than a few others to do the same. Auden was never forgotten, and occasionally his brilliance was recognizedeven at times by Jarrell, who was so awestruck by a poem called “Under Sirius” that he could only respond, “Well, back to my greeting cards”but his reputation underwent a long, slow decline which lasted through the rest of his life.

Where does that reputation stand now? It’s hard to say. Probably the most common view is that Auden was a major poet in his twenties but, after his move to America and subsequent religious conversion, drifted off the path. Many poets and critics read Auden’s story as one of a prodigious talent mostly frittered away. The greatness of those early poems is rarely disputed; the question is whether that one decade of greatness is sufficient to ake a major career.

One might think that Christians, at least, would champion his work, but they have rarely done so, in part because of his lifelong homosexuality (and for other reasons which I have explored in this essay). But here at the centenary I think the most important thing to note is this: in the early 1940s Auden began writing poems that scarcely anyone knew how to readthat scarcely anyone even today knows how to read.

After that agitation in 2006, readers and poets and critics roused themselves and did proper honor to Auden on his birthday, February 21st, 2007. There were festivities here and in England: the BBC even did its part, with a series of programs, including radio essays by poets on Auden and, best of all, a Good Friday reading of Auden’s great poetic sequence Horae Canonicae, introduced by Rowan Williams, the Archbishop of Canterbury. But reading through the many reflections and tributes that turned up in the English-language press, I couldn’t help noticing how many writers seemed to be groping, uncertain what to say about a man who clearly was for them an enigmatic figure.

Take, for example, the extended conversation about Auden at Slate.com. Meghan O’Rourke led off the discussion by reflecting on the famously corrugated appearance of Auden’s face in his final years:

According to a biographer, Richard Davenport-Hines, Auden seemed worn down at the time of his death, and the poet’s friends have said that the years of drinking, heavy smoking, and barbiturate use had taken their toll. But it is tempting to imagine that it wasn’t the drugs and liquor that prematurely aged him, but his literary aesthetic itself: the mantle of moral and political responsibility he believed came with the job of being a poet. If he was a formidably craggy slab of a man by the time he turned 60, it wasn’t just the Chesterfields, it was the crushing responsibility.
But this gets Auden precisely wrong: when he became a Christian, when he began to cultivate a more civic and ethical mode of poetry, he unburdened himself, divesting himself of responsibilities that others wanted him to meet but that he knew himself to be incapable of sustaining. What had been “crushing” to him was his status as the spokesman for his generation; what freed him was finding, in America, a refuge from his admirers.

Naïve though it may sound, for Auden this country really was a place to start over. And he came to believe that in shrugging off the expectations others had for him, he also had to shrug off his own self-understanding, his own formation as a person and a poet. Auden had always been a critic of Romanticism and an aficionado of earlier and less fashionable poetic movements: from the beginning he had drawn on medieval literaturewhich he had come to love after hearing some lectures at Oxford by an Anglo-Saxonist named Tolkienand had celebrated Alexander Pope and Lord Byronthe one Romantic poet Auden admired, in part because everyone else treated him as a minor poet who had been over-celebrated in his lifetime. Auden despised Shelley especially, often singling out for scorn the notion that “poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world.” It was a model of poetic power that, he saw, many of the great modernists had accepted as well, for all their vocal anti-Romanticism.

But as he settled into life in America, and into Christian belief, he came to think that he had absorbed more of the Romantic model of the poet as isolated genius than he’d realized. Superficially his verse had not looked Romantic, but deep down, he had accepted distinctively Romantic ideas about the singular power and unique insight of the poet.

The self-criticism that arose from this insight sometimes verged on sel-loathing. Auden was certainly too hard on his earlier self and earlier work: that first decade of work truly was extraordinarily powerful and innovative, in ways that Nicholas Jenkins explores in one of the best essays to commemorate the centenary. But Adam Kirsch is also right to say,

Auden’s breaking of his own style now looks like one of the key moral gestures of 20th-century English literature. Auden was one of the first great writers to recognize that, after World War II, the modernist visionwith its abstractions and myths, its glamorizing of danger and sacrificewas no longer sustainable. Poetry, to be credible in a new world, had to be ethical in a new way: scrupulous about its claims, its concepts, even its language.
Kirsch believes that “If the Auden centenary sees any major change in the poet’s reputation, it is that such a dismissal of the later, American Auden now looks definitely mistaken.” But I’m not sure this is correct. Auden indeed became ethically “scrupulous” about his language, about the power and the role of poetry, but there are many for whom this is a highly unattractive trait: the word Seamus Heaney uses is “censorious,” and while he understands Auden’s concerns, that’s not a complimentary term.

Moreover, the later poems can be hard to read. The earlier poems are often obscure, but after modernism we’re used to obscurity. (A friend once wrote to James Joyce, puzzled about some passages in what would become Finnegans Wake, to which Joyce gave an incomprehensible reply capped with a jaunty sign-off: “If I can throw any more obscurity on the subject, let me know.”) We know how to read obscurity. But Auden’s later poems, though grounded in public language and public conceptsGreek and Roman mythology, European history, Christian doctrineare knotty and complex: they demand a distinctive kind of thinking from us. Auden wrote this way because he demanded difficult thought from himself; he resisted easy answers and comforting assurances. He explored forgotten resources from poetry’s past: the medieval love for allegories of the inner life, the essayistic or letter-like meditations of the great Roman poet Horace. But these are resources that readers must struggle to reclaim, and for many it’s not worth the effort.

Above all, and most unusually, Auden saw his poetry as a means of building community among his widely scattered friends. When, a decade ago, I first investigated the trove of Auden’s letters held by the New York Public Library, I was struck by how often Auden turned over a sheet of stationery and, on the back of a letter to a friend, typed out a draft of a poem. And in most cases the published version of that poem would be dedicated to that friend. How many of our great modern poets do such a thing? It is a touching gesture, but alsoespecially for those of us with an exalted view of poetrya challenging one.

Let us pay tribute to this remarkable man. He was deeply, deeply flawedthough no more so than Iand his model of the Christian life is, generally speaking, not one I should choose to follow. But he paid (and still pays) a great price in reputation for his embrace of Christianity, as he does for his bold and fearless rethinking of what it means to be a poet. One of the wiser decisions of Auden’s later years was his selection of Edward Mendelson to be his literary executor: among many other activities on the poet’s behalf, Mendelson maintains the website of the Auden Society, where you may find biographical information and many links to the texts of poems and recordings of Auden reading them. Please, go there.

Alan Jacobs teaches English at Wheaton College in Illinois, and is writing a book about original sin. His Tumblelog is here.

A Cuban death rehearsal

James Q. Wilson: The power of his written word

James Q. Wilson: The power of his written word

His thoughts have left an indelible impression on Los Angeles and the nation.

By Jim Newton, JIM NEWTON is Editorial Page editor of The Times.
June 3, 2007

JAMES Q. WILSON left Southern California as a young man and returned to it as an accomplished one, but he is not exactly a product of it nor is he a participant in its civic life by most conventional definitions. He holds no local position, serves no local board, aspires to no local office.

And yet Wilson’s abiding intellectual pursuits  morality, the family and crime, to name just three  have helped shape modern Los Angeles, both through his influence on its recent leaders and through his enormous contributions to political science.

His writings on crime, for instance, constitute a near-blueprint for the Los Angeles Police Department. And some of his scholarship, including his studies of urban renewal and his examination of the societal effects of declining commitment to marriage, has particular resonance in this diverse city, with its extensive poverty and many broken homes.

Wilson is the rare academic who bears a Presidential Medal of Freedom, an esteemed prize represented by a modest emblem that he affixes to his lapel. “Whatever his subject,” President Bush said in presenting the medal, “James Q. Wilson writes with intellectual rigor, with moral clarity, to the appreciation of a wide and growing audience.”

An endorsement from Bush is complicated currency in the largely liberal milieu that forms Los Angeles’ contemporary elite, one in which members may dispute the relative merits of Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama but in which most long ago lost patience with Bush. Wilson, however, has spent decades composing a body of work that is testament to his curiosity and his honesty, impressing readers of all ideological stripes. He describes himself as more conservative than most academics but more liberal than the country as a whole.

Wilson’s principal effect is through his writing, some of it amplified by his relationships with civic leaders. Police Chief William J. Bratton is a disciple of Wilson’s policing strategies. And former Mayor Richard Riordan calls Wilson the most intellectually honest person he knows  someone interested in exploring questions, not dictating answers.

Wilson expressed a similar view of himself and his work. “I often write books about problems for which I can’t think of a solution,” he said. “The reason I write the book is not because I know what I want to say to the public. I write the book in order to figure out for myself what I think about the subject.”

He has his doubts about the Los Angeles Times and other leading American papers. He has questioned this paper’s coverage of Iraq, and he argues that the liberal views of many journalists have undermined the war and American foreign policy generally.

Nevertheless, he spoke at length to The Times as part of this series. He took all questions, and his observations ranged across the wide expanse of his contribution to social thought  divorce and same-sex marriage, human development and the establishment and maintenance of a free and ordered society.

Wilson, 76, opened the conversation by indulging in a moment of nostalgia, drawing on two socially relevant memories of his youth.

‘I GREW UP when the freeways were first being built,” he said, seated before a bank of books at Pepperdine University, where h is a visiting lecturer. Before then, he said, he would drive from Long Beach to Hollywood on Alameda Avenue “to take my date to the Palladium Theater, where we would go dancing. Then the freeway was developed, and it was just marvelous. It was heaven.” He laughed at that notion  freeways as heaven.

Shaking his head, he continued: “The second thing I recall growing up was that the level of public order and safety was remarkable.”

After attending college at the University of Redlands, Wilson left California for most of his young adult life. He received his graduate education at the University of Chicago and taught at Harvard from 1961 to 1987. Those were productive years: Wilson wrote the articles and books that established him as one of the nation’s premier political scientists.

In the 1960s, he explored urban renewal even as riots were tearing apart the nation’s cityscapes. In the 1970s, he challenged the then-conventional wisdom that the goal of criminal justice was rehabilitation, insisting that deterrence was the system’s more important objective. Through the 1980s, he explored criminal justice further, along with regulation and bureaucracy, among other topics.

The following decade brought what many, including Wilson, consider his masterwork, “The Moral Sense,” published in 1993 after his return to California.

“The Moral Sense” was Wilson’s study of the evolutionary and cultural bases of morality and, at the same time, a radiant display of writing. With chapters examining such notions as sympathy, self-control and duty, Wilson built the proposition that morality is constructed in the intimacy of families and then spread unsteadily but unerringly across humanity.

His conclusion: “Mankind’s moral sense is not a strong beacon light, radiating outward to illuminate in sharp outline all that it touches. It is, rather, a small candle flame, casting vague and multiple shadows, flickering and sputtering in the strong winds of power and passion, greed and ideology. But brought close to the heart and cupped in one’s hands, it dispels the darkness and warms the soul.”

“The Moral Sense” defied ideological categorization. Its herald to values heartened many conservatives, but it wasted no time with those who, for instance, questioned evolution  Charles Darwin was cited repeatedly and favorably, once for his “utmost clarity.” Moreover, Wilson resisted the temptation to overreach. Glibness has no more formidable foe than James Q. Wilson.

At one point, he noted that moral relativism “has probably contributed to the increase in crime rates”  soothing words to the conservative ear. But he quickly added: “Having said that the moral climate has probably affected the level of crime, let me now say that it probably has not affected it dramatically.” Liberals could relax.

” ‘The Moral Sense’ was, to me, the most important book I’ve ever written,” he said. “It sums up what I think about human society, about the importance of human character. It talks about how much of it naturally grows and how resistant it is even to many very harmful external influences.”

Similarly, Wilson’s more recent examination of marriage unequivocally asserted that marriage is good for children and good for society, but he declined to blame divorce on the 1960s, which he wryly described as “the sovereign explanation of all cultural ills.”

In one area, Wilson is not just influential or provocative. He is gospel. Along with coauthor George Kelling, he is the inventor of the “broken windows” theory of public order and, as such, the father of community policing. That ide postulates that public order, not just public safety, is a crucial objective of policing and that strategies to maintain order will yield results in crime trends as well.

Wilson’s thoughts on policing are so widely adopted that to question them is heresy. He acknowledges that he is pleased by the effect of his work, but adds that he is happy “up to a point.” Characteristically, Wilson is willing to raise questions where others do not  even about his own theory.

That is the social scientist in him, nagging even at his own work. Wilson for years has urged policymakers to design tests of community policing to see whether it does, in fact, produce the results that he argued it would.

Nevertheless, he is impressed by some of those who have attempted to put his ideas into practice. And among those who receive his highest praise is Bratton, who has preached community policing in Boston, New York and Los Angeles and who, along with Mayor Antonio Villaraigosa, recently launched a much-publicized crackdown on area gangs.

“We haven’t come to grips with our gang problem adequately,” Wilson said. “Chief Bratton has announced some police strategies for dealing with gangs. He’s had some early successes.” Wilson acknowledges that Bratton’s recent efforts have been controversial and that some critics have argued against making police the principal tool in tackling gangs. Those critics generally cite the need for social services, such as employment and education assistance, as more important in the long run than law enforcement. Wilson disagrees, at least in part.

“People who criticize a law-enforcement-only approach have a good point, but to begin on this problem, you have to solve the personal-protection issue,” he said.

Until young boys and girls can be protected from gang violence, they will be inclined to join gangs for protection, he added. And only law enforcement can provide that protection.

From his post at Pepperdine, Wilson continues to roam the nation’s social and political debates. Having written extensively on marriage, Wilson willingly contests the notion that gays should be allowed to partake in that institution.

“To me, marriage is about the union of a man and a woman for the purposes of having exclusive sex and procreating children,” he said. “That has been the function of marriage in every culture as far as we have any cultural records.”

Yet Wilson is willing to listen to his opponents (and, unlike many who agree with him, he is willing to admit that gay marriage is not something we should “make too much of”). That same blend of historical analysis and openness to disagreement stretches across other topics: Wilson hears the arguments of animal rights advocates but sees humans as omnivores and pet owners; he admits to not liking everything about Bush but credits him with reducing marginal tax rates and with waging an important war in Iraq.

“Saddam Hussein,” Wilson said, “was a monster,” and toppling him was a gift to his country. Today, Wilson laments the stark and historically anomalous partisan divide over that war.

And so Wilson has resettled into the life of his home region, living now in Malibu  less than 50 miles from his childhood home in Long Beach  immersed in a community more liberal than he but one formed in part by his work. He is, it is obvious, happy to be back.

“Boston and Los Angeles are fundamentally different places  not just physically, not just in terms of the weather,” he said. “As soon as our children were grown and married, my wife and I sat down in the frontroom and looked at each other and said: ‘It’s time to go home.’ “

力虹病情严重呼吁保外就医

 

 

【2007年6月8日狱委讯】力虹妻子董敏女士今天(6月7日)来短信,内容如下:我今天探望了力虹,他的病情非常严重,已做肌体图。是肌肉坏死。如不及时治就殃及心脏生命。希望你帮助他呼吁一下,他的病已符合保外就医。他已打了保外报告,希望你能帮帮他病能早一天治疗,否则就有生命危险了。

6月5日,董敏曾经给律师短信:力虹5月31日被送至湖州长湖监狱(服刑)。

据悉,力虹于5月21日被浙江省高级人民法院二审裁定维持原判。宣判次日,律师曾经为他申请了保外就医,但是监狱当局至今没有批准。
董敏电话:0574——63058816 

 

 

 

“中国和解智库”成立暨网站《冲突与和解》开通

 

“中国和解智库”经数月的酝酿筹备,现宣告成立。

“中国和解智库”的网站建成后曾在一个圈子内试行并征求意见,现向公众公布。网址:http://www.chinareconciliation.org/

“中国和解智库”简介

PROJECT TITLE项目标题

“中国和解智库”Brains Of Reconciliation in China(BRC)

City/Country城市/国家

澳大利亚,悉尼

Sydney / Australia

I. SUMMARY: 1摘要阐述项目

“中国和解智库”为谋求博爱、宽厚、不违背人类道义的政治和解而建,以期回应和平、理性地推进中国民主宪政改革的历史性需求。“中国和解智库”关注中国执政党新近提出的“建设和谐社会”的主张,也注意到中共党内众多精英希图将中共改造成为现代民主政党的愿望。“中国和解智库”认为一个体现平等、自由、民主、公正等普世价值的和谐社会能给国人带来真正的福祉,将以宣扬“和解”去推进和谐社会的建设,促进弱势民主力量和公民社会的壮大。“中国和解智库”将促使中国政府尽快经由纠错、道歉、还原真相、厘清责任、妥协、和解而接近和接受宪政民主,促成中华各族各派人士通过接触、互动、沟通、妥协稳步走向“大和解”,和平跨入民主宪政的文明社会。

II. BACKGROUND: 2背景描述

从政治角度看,一部漫长的中国专制历史,就是迷信暴力的强人为“普天之下莫非皇土”的“美妙”权力而厮杀的血腥史。在几千年“乱”“治”的权斗轮回和冤冤相报的怪圈中,充塞了太多的呻吟、哭泣、锁链、冤狱、仇恨。。。。。。

近代百年,梁启超、陈独秀、胡适、顾准等仁人志士高举起议会政治旗帜,相继展开以对话取代对抗、以数选票代砍人头的文明政治制度诉求;但军阀混战、抗战、国共内战和1949年之后的接连灾难淹没了先贤们微弱的呼喊。

1990年代后期,借助网络技术,自由主义价值观在中国大陆广泛传播。中国的民主进程虽然一波三折不尽如人意,但终归积累了一些文明社会所需的资源条件。在全球化、民主化和信息化的今日,中国出现了一些新的政治变化,民间团体和政治异议人士有了一定的活动空间。在1980年代“自由化”文化氛围中成长起来的新一代政治家正步入国家决策中心,国共和解也揭开了中华民族大和解的序幕。基于文明政治之上不同政治派别的妥协(有原则)和解(有道义),再次成为人心所向的时代要求。

在今日“全球化、民主化、自由化”的国际大环境中,无论中国未来局势如何变化,中华民族海内外各政治派别终究要坐下来在圆桌上解决分歧。这一符合政治文明的“大和解”的到来不会久远,而准备工作必须从现在开始。“中国和解智库”就是迎合和拥抱这种时代需求的新生社团。

III. PROJECT OBJECTIVES: 3项目目标

“中国和解智库”希望建设后能够达到如下目标:

目标一

从民间组织形式入手去拓宽公民社会非政府组织(NGO)的活动空间,通过宣扬“和解”、妥协、宽容的价值观,降低中国朝野对民主政治的恐惧心理;促使中国政府尽快经由纠错、道歉、还原真相、厘清责任、妥协、和解而接近和接受宪政民主,推动中华各族各派人士通过接触、互动、沟通、妥协、和解减少中国社会因激烈矛盾冲突引发社会动荡乃至社会崩溃的风险,促成中国低成本向民主宪政文明社会和平转型。

目标二

以建言、游说、施加影响压力等办法,创造条件促使体制内外各党各派各利益集团通过平等的对话谈判、公平的讨价还价来解决利益和观念的纷争,开启中国不同政治派别谈判妥协的先河,加速中国民主化,为文明的政党政治的未来空间准备基础平台。

IV. PROJECT ACTIVITIES: 4项目活动计划

近、中、远期活动计划

1.近期:

1、逐步完善“中国和解智库”。

2、建设《中国和解》网站,开展有关各国“和解”经验和中外“和解”论述的研究;宣扬和解、宽容、妥协等自由主义价值观。

3、开展募捐、筹建“中国和解基金会”和相关管理机构。

4、广泛吸收成员和义工,鼓励和支持各地成员及义工力所能及的介入各种纷争的调查和调解工作。

5、与各党各派各个利益集团群体建立广泛的联系。

6、促成海外部分异见人士组团赴大陆扫墓、观光、调查、到一些大学作学术交流、讲学。

2.中、远期:

1、用半年至一年的时间收集数据资料、研究具体情况,逐渐推出一些大陆执政当局有可能接受的、有利于中国低成本向民主宪政文明社会和平转型的建设性“和解”方案。

2、促成大陆执政当局与台湾各党派团体有更广泛的交流、对话、和解。

3、促成召开中国历史上首次有关“冲突与和解”的大型学术研讨会议。

4、促成在实践层面上一系列朝野和解谈判会议的举行

V. ORGANIZATIONAL BACKGROUND:组织机构的背景

“中国和解智库”暂为非专业、非专职、以学者为主的松散民间非营利组织。“中国和解智库”将本着NGO组织公开透明的原则开展工作,慢慢地显示出自身的独立性、公信力和影响力。“中国和解智库”将广泛吸收成员及义工以催生和培植广泛的公民社会的自治理念和公民参与的价值观。

VI.CONTACT联系

临时召集人及邮址:

(大陆)王光泽[email protected]

(海外)丘岳首[email protected]

“中国和解智库”发起人名单(按姓氏拼音字母排列)

艾晓明(文学博士、中山大学中文系教授,博士生导师、中山大学妇女性别研究中心副主任)

范亚峰(法学博士、中国社会科学院法学所副研究员)

冯则徐(律师、澳大利亚)

巩胜利(广东、独立学者)

郭永丰(广东、独立时事评论员)

郭京平(商人、澳大利亚)

綦彦臣(独立时事评论员)

卢雪松(吉林艺术学院教师)

茅于轼(天则经济研究所法人代表、理事长)

潘晓婷(硕士、澳大利亚)

丘岳首(中国学博士、澳大利亚)

滕彪(中国政法大学法学院北京华一律师事务所)

野渡(独立时事评论员)

王天成(北京、独立学者)

王光泽(北京、独立时事评论员)

王聪(博士候选人、美国)

温克坚(“九鼎公共事务研究所”研究员)

张博树(北京,中国社会科学院学者)

张明选(中国基督教家庭教会联合会会长)

张林(商人、澳大利亚)

周舵(北京、南非KMI驻中国首席代表特约顾问)

“中国和解智库”同仁

2007-06-08

《成都晚报》副总编辑李少军及两位职员被开除

 

据路透社报导,周一《成都晚报》的分类广告版位中,出现一则“向坚强的六四遇难者母亲致敬”的小广告后,该报的副总编辑李少军及编辑部两位职员被开除。

本台曾致电《成都晚报》查询,一名编辑部职员表示无可奉告,拒绝作出评论。当记者再致电编辑部找李少军时,接电话的人员即时表示不知道。

而另一名编辑部人员对于李少军是不是因六四广告事件而被辞退,表示不清楚这个事情。当被问到他今日有没有上班时,她立即挂断电话。

《成都晚报》副总编辑李少军过去接受传媒访问时表示,他是主管报纸的编辑出版工作,长期负责夜班把关,保证报纸内容和版面质量控制,是负责在报纸付印前的最后一个环节,做好把关工作,防止出现纰漏。

在周一六四周年纪念当日,成都市委属下的《成都晚报》刊登了这则向六四死难者家属致敬的广告,事后,《成都晚报》急急向报档回收未卖出的报纸。而广告被发现后,不少人纷纷推测当中的意图,亦引起当地人对六四事件的关注。