Category Archives: June 4th Commemoration

A Peculiar Phrase Finds a Home in China-Frustration at ‘Catch-22’s’ are a common part of life here.

BY HELEN GAO MAY 13, 2014

BEIJING — For those Chinese who have carried their tales of woe for hundreds of miles and suffered numerous bureaucratic setbacks, this seems like mockery. On April 23, China passed a new law banning petitioners from taking grievances to the central government without first trying to resolve them with local officials, even though the petitioning system, which dates back to imperial times, is supposed to allow individuals to appeal directly to higher authorities when they bump up against local bureaucracy. This latest restriction, with the ostensible goal of “streamlining the petitioning system,” all but extinguishes the last hope for many desperate for a sympathetic ear from above. In fact, the petitioning system is blinkered enough that Wang Lin, a law professor at Hainan University, called it a judicial “Catch-22” in a September 2011 essay published in popular newspaper Southern Metropolis Daily.

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How a Triad gangster saved Tiananmen Square demonstrators

“Brother Six” tells how he smuggled more than 100 protesters to safety after the Chinese government’s brutal crackdown on the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989

5:30AM BST 18 May 2014

It is almost 25 years since the crackdown on a pro-democracy movement around Beijing’s Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989 led to a bloody massacre.

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Meet China’s Swaggering, ‘Diehard’ Criminal Lawyers

They don’t scare easily, and they will take any client — not just dissidents. The Communist Party has noticed.

BY ALEXA OLESEN MAY 16, 2014

If there were a checklist for China’s “diehard lawyers faction” it would probably read something like this: Must be combative, dramatic, and have a flair for social media; must not be intimidated by authority; and must be willing to spend time under house arrest or in jail.

While there is no official group by this name, the term has evolved over the last few years to describe a particular type of criminal defense lawyer: brash, and determined to take on defendants whose rights, the attorneys believe, have been violated. The phenomenon came into sharp relief after the arrest of prominent Beijing lawyer Pu Zhiqiang (pictured above) on May 6 for allegedly “picking quarrels” by commemorating the victims of the June 4, 1989 crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen square in central Beijing. Pu remains in detention in Beijing, awaiting a hearing.
It all started with a case gone awry.

It all started with a case gone awry. Beijing lawyer Yang Xuelin, who identifies himself on social media website Weibo as a “diehard,” told Communist Party mouthpiece newspaper People’s Daily that the term originated from a discussion with another attorney in Guiyang, the capital of Southern China’s Guizhou province, in July 2012. Yang and a colleague named Chi Susheng were part of a team of lawyers from around China who had come to the city to defend a former property tycoon accused of gang-related crimes. Over lunch on the first day of the trial, the paper explained, Chi complained the trial was already not going well. It was riddled with procedural problems, she said, and the team was going to have to “firmly fight to the bitter end,” using the northern slang term sike — which roughly means to fight to the bitter end, or to die hard. (The tycoon was sentenced to 15 years in prison.)

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PU ZHIQIANG:‘June Fourth’ Seventeen Years Later: How I Kept a Promise


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PU ZHIQIANG08.10.06
The weekend of June 3, 2006, was the seventeenth anniversary of the Beijing massacre and also the first time I ever received a summons. It happened, as the police put it, “according to law.” Twice within twenty-four hours Deputy Chief Sun Di of Department 1 of the Beijing Public Security Bureau ordered me—“controlled” me, in police lingo—to go to the Fanjiacun police station in the Fengtai District of Beijing. This “practical action” of the Chinese government, although it violated basic human rights, was taken in support of the “stability” that the violent suppression at Tiananmen had brought about.

I recall the early hours of June 4, 1989. The few thousand students and other citizens who refused to disperse remained huddled at the north face of the Martyrs’ Monument in Tiananmen Square. The glare of fires leaped skyward and gunfire crackled. The pine hedges that lined the square had been set ablaze while loudspeakers screeched their mordant warnings. The bloodbath on outlying roads had already exceeded anyone’s counting. Martial law troops had taken up their staging positions around the square, awaiting final orders, largely invisible except for the steely green glint that their helmets reflected from the light of the fires. It was then that I turned to a friend and commented that the Martyrs’ Monument might soon be witness to our deaths, but that if not, I would come back to this place every year on this date to remember the victims.

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Badiucao “巴丢草”: The Pen is Mightier than the Gun

For his latest contribution, Badiucao comments on the recent detention of veteran journalist Gao Yu on suspicion of “leaking state secrets.” In a speech accepting a journalism award in 2006, Gao Yu quoted Republican era journalist Shi Liangcai as saying, “You have a gun, but I have a pen.” In his drawing, Badiucao depicts a pen’s quill being placed in the barrel of a gun to show the power of free speech.

The Pen is Mightier than the Sword, by Badiucao for CDT:

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Read also a CDT Q&A with Badiucao in which he discusses his artistic and personal influences. All Badiucao cartoons for CDT are available here.

From http://chinadigitaltimes.net/2014/05/badiucao-%E5%B7%B4%E4%B8%A2%E8%8D%89-pen-mightier-gun/

PEN International:China:Renewed crackdown on writers and journalists ahead of 25th anniversary of Tiananmen protests

25th anniversary commemorate

London, 7 May 2014 – Five prominent dissident writers arrested for taking part in events to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the crackdown on the 1989 pro-democracy protests should be released immediately and unconditionally, PEN International said today.

Two of those detained are members of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre (ICPC), an affliate centre of the global organisation of writers. A third member of ICPC is also feared detained separately.

On 3 May 2014 at least 15 people – writers, scholars, activists – gathered at a private residence in Beijing to commemorate the upcoming 25th anniversary of the brutal crackdown on 4th June 1989 pro-democracy protests. An estimated 2,000 unarmed individuals were killed by Chinese troops in Tiananmen Square, Beijing and other Chinese cities.

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Ian Johnson:The Ghosts of Tiananmen Square

Ian Johnson JUNE 5, 2014 ISSUE

The People’s Republic of Amnesia: Tiananmen Revisited
by Louisa Lim
Oxford University Press, 248 pp., $24.95
Tiananmen Exiles: Voices of the Struggle for Democracy in China
by Rowena Xiaoqing He
Palgrave Macmillan, 212 pp., $95.00; $29.00 (paper)

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Ken Jarecke/Contact Press Images
Chinese troops observing the Tiananmen Square demonstration in May 1989 before the army was ordered to attack
Every spring, an old friend of mine named Xu Jue makes a trip to the Babaoshan cemetery in the western suburbs of Beijing to lay flowers on the tombs of her dead son and husband. She always plans her visit for April 5, which is the holiday of Pure Brightness, or Qingming. The traditional Chinese calendar has three festivals to honor the dead and Qingming is the most important—so important that in 2008 the government, which for decades had tried to suppress traditional religious practices, declared it a national holiday and gave people a day off to fulfill their obligations. Nowadays, Communist Party officials participate too; almost every year, they are shown on national television visiting the shrines of Communist martyrs or worshiping the mythic founder of the Chinese people, the Yellow Emperor, at a grandiose monument on the Yellow River.

But remembering can raise unpleasant questions. A few days before Xu Jue’s planned visit, two police officers come by her house to tell her that they will do her a special favor. They will escort her personally to the cemetery and help her sweep the tombs and lay the flowers. Their condition is that they won’t go on the emotive day of April 5. Instead, they’ll go a few days earlier. She knows she has no choice and accepts. Each year they cut a strange sight: an old lady arriving in a black sedan with four plainclothes police officers, who follow her to the tombstones of the dead men in her life.

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Party Chief’s Downfall a Central Act in Tiananmen Drama

By CHRIS BUCKLEY MAY 11, 2014, 7:00 PM 

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“We came too late,” Zhao Ziyang told students at Tiananmen Square on the morning of May 19, 1989.

In mid-May 1989, Zhang Gang was among a group of Chinese officials and scholars seeking to defuse the student protests that had filled Tiananmen Square for a month. They had been trying to coax concessions from the government and the demonstrators to end the volatile confrontation and protect the embattled Communist Party general secretary, Zhao Ziyang, who was increasingly at odds with the party patriarch, Deng Xiaoping.

Late at night, Mr. Zhang recalled in an interview, another official stepped aside to take a phone call and turned ashen-faced. The rifts in the party leadership over the Tiananmen protests, the official said, had reached a perilous turning point.

“He had a very grim look, and he turned to me and told me, ‘There was a meeting in Xiaoping’s home, and Ziyang has been sidelined.’”

“The political balance at the time was very brittle – very, very brittle – and as soon as the student movement erupted, this brittle balance was certainly going to be broken,” said Mr. Zhang, who in 1989 worked in a policy research office under Mr. Zhao and fled abroad that year, ending up in the United States. “On one side, we couldn’t rein in the old men, and on the other side, we couldn’t satisfy the students’ demands.”

Some two days later, Mr. Zhao made his famous ghostly appearance on Tiananmen Square. By then he knew that his political demise was sealed and that Mr. Deng had ordered martial law in urban Beijing, which would pit tens of thousands of soldiers against students and residents. Mr. Zhao went to the square at about 4 a.m. on May 19, and, surrounded by cameras and dumbfounded students, pleaded with the protesters to end their hunger strike and return to campus.

“We came too late,” he told them in the heavy accent of his birthplace, Henan Province in central China. After he spoke, students surrounded him for autographs.

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