Category Archives: Special Topics

Badiucao “巴丢草”: The Pen is Mightier than the Gun

For his latest contribution, Badiucao comments on the recent detention of veteran journalist Gao Yu on suspicion of “leaking state secrets.” In a speech accepting a journalism award in 2006, Gao Yu quoted Republican era journalist Shi Liangcai as saying, “You have a gun, but I have a pen.” In his drawing, Badiucao depicts a pen’s quill being placed in the barrel of a gun to show the power of free speech.

The Pen is Mightier than the Sword, by Badiucao for CDT:

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Read also a CDT Q&A with Badiucao in which he discusses his artistic and personal influences. All Badiucao cartoons for CDT are available here.

From http://chinadigitaltimes.net/2014/05/badiucao-%E5%B7%B4%E4%B8%A2%E8%8D%89-pen-mightier-gun/

PEN International:China:Renewed crackdown on writers and journalists ahead of 25th anniversary of Tiananmen protests

25th anniversary commemorate

London, 7 May 2014 – Five prominent dissident writers arrested for taking part in events to commemorate the 25th anniversary of the crackdown on the 1989 pro-democracy protests should be released immediately and unconditionally, PEN International said today.

Two of those detained are members of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre (ICPC), an affliate centre of the global organisation of writers. A third member of ICPC is also feared detained separately.

On 3 May 2014 at least 15 people – writers, scholars, activists – gathered at a private residence in Beijing to commemorate the upcoming 25th anniversary of the brutal crackdown on 4th June 1989 pro-democracy protests. An estimated 2,000 unarmed individuals were killed by Chinese troops in Tiananmen Square, Beijing and other Chinese cities.

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Ian Johnson:The Ghosts of Tiananmen Square

Ian Johnson JUNE 5, 2014 ISSUE

The People’s Republic of Amnesia: Tiananmen Revisited
by Louisa Lim
Oxford University Press, 248 pp., $24.95
Tiananmen Exiles: Voices of the Struggle for Democracy in China
by Rowena Xiaoqing He
Palgrave Macmillan, 212 pp., $95.00; $29.00 (paper)

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Ken Jarecke/Contact Press Images
Chinese troops observing the Tiananmen Square demonstration in May 1989 before the army was ordered to attack
Every spring, an old friend of mine named Xu Jue makes a trip to the Babaoshan cemetery in the western suburbs of Beijing to lay flowers on the tombs of her dead son and husband. She always plans her visit for April 5, which is the holiday of Pure Brightness, or Qingming. The traditional Chinese calendar has three festivals to honor the dead and Qingming is the most important—so important that in 2008 the government, which for decades had tried to suppress traditional religious practices, declared it a national holiday and gave people a day off to fulfill their obligations. Nowadays, Communist Party officials participate too; almost every year, they are shown on national television visiting the shrines of Communist martyrs or worshiping the mythic founder of the Chinese people, the Yellow Emperor, at a grandiose monument on the Yellow River.

But remembering can raise unpleasant questions. A few days before Xu Jue’s planned visit, two police officers come by her house to tell her that they will do her a special favor. They will escort her personally to the cemetery and help her sweep the tombs and lay the flowers. Their condition is that they won’t go on the emotive day of April 5. Instead, they’ll go a few days earlier. She knows she has no choice and accepts. Each year they cut a strange sight: an old lady arriving in a black sedan with four plainclothes police officers, who follow her to the tombstones of the dead men in her life.

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Party Chief’s Downfall a Central Act in Tiananmen Drama

By CHRIS BUCKLEY MAY 11, 2014, 7:00 PM 

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“We came too late,” Zhao Ziyang told students at Tiananmen Square on the morning of May 19, 1989.

In mid-May 1989, Zhang Gang was among a group of Chinese officials and scholars seeking to defuse the student protests that had filled Tiananmen Square for a month. They had been trying to coax concessions from the government and the demonstrators to end the volatile confrontation and protect the embattled Communist Party general secretary, Zhao Ziyang, who was increasingly at odds with the party patriarch, Deng Xiaoping.

Late at night, Mr. Zhang recalled in an interview, another official stepped aside to take a phone call and turned ashen-faced. The rifts in the party leadership over the Tiananmen protests, the official said, had reached a perilous turning point.

“He had a very grim look, and he turned to me and told me, ‘There was a meeting in Xiaoping’s home, and Ziyang has been sidelined.’”

“The political balance at the time was very brittle – very, very brittle – and as soon as the student movement erupted, this brittle balance was certainly going to be broken,” said Mr. Zhang, who in 1989 worked in a policy research office under Mr. Zhao and fled abroad that year, ending up in the United States. “On one side, we couldn’t rein in the old men, and on the other side, we couldn’t satisfy the students’ demands.”

Some two days later, Mr. Zhao made his famous ghostly appearance on Tiananmen Square. By then he knew that his political demise was sealed and that Mr. Deng had ordered martial law in urban Beijing, which would pit tens of thousands of soldiers against students and residents. Mr. Zhao went to the square at about 4 a.m. on May 19, and, surrounded by cameras and dumbfounded students, pleaded with the protesters to end their hunger strike and return to campus.

“We came too late,” he told them in the heavy accent of his birthplace, Henan Province in central China. After he spoke, students surrounded him for autographs.

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Wall Street Journal: Tiananmen Amnesia and Tiananmen Exiles

Posted on May 15, 2014 by Maura Cunningham

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He coverNow up at the Wall Street Journal’s China Real Time Report blog, my new column on Rowena Xiaoqing He’s recent book, Tiananmen Exiles:

In “Tiananmen Exiles,” Ms. He interviews Shen Tong and Wang Dan, both important figures in the Beijing protest movement, as well as Yi Danxuan, who was a student leader in Guangzhou. All three live overseas (only Mr. Shen has been able to visit China for business, on the condition that he refrain from political activity), and all have been prominent members of the Tiananmen exile community. Wang Dan obtained a Ph.D. in Chinese history from Harvard and now teaches in Taiwan, while Shen Tong founded a software company and Yi Danxuan has worked in journalism and business. Both Mr. Shen and Mr. Yi live in the United States.

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Xu Youyu:Defiance

Defiance

By Xu Youyu, published: May 13, 2014

 

Like the vast majority of Chinese people, I don’t like to deal with the police. When the police come to your door, it always means something unusual or inauspicious has occurred. That’s why the police always say, “Nothing’s wrong with you? If there’s nothing wrong with you, why are we here?” In truth, the Chinese have long cultivated the habits of obedient citizens, and when the police appear, they believe something unlawful must have taken place.

Whether in uniform or plainclothes, police officers symbolize a mysterious power. Omniscient and omnipotent, they can twiddle the common man in the palms of their hands. The police are a fearsome element in daily life; their arrival suggests impending disaster and casts a shadow of self-doubt and unease.

I remember back around 1970, when I was a sent-down youth in An County, Sichuan Province, two county PSB officers came to see me at my production brigade. My sent-down comrades scattered like sparrows after gunfire, nervously whispering among themselves. After the two officers left, a couple of them sidled up to me with darting eyes and asked what was wrong. I said, “The ‘Learn from Dazhai for Agriculture’ exhibition at the county seat went up in flames, and the PSB thinks some sent-down youth did it. Someone told them that I went to the county seat on market day last Sunday, so they came to make inquiries. They wanted me to tell them everything I did that day – where I’d gone and whom I’d seen.” Although I’d told the police everything they wanted to know, I couldn’t dispel my unease over what might happen next. Who knew how many eyes were watching me furtively and what kind of investigation was going on behind my back? I also detected glee in the eyes of some of my comrades. At that time news of sent-down youth would be called back to the cities was making rounds, and there was competition among us for that stroke of luck. The news of my visit from the PSB spread far and wide, and the shadow cast over my prospects no doubt was translated into hopes for others.

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Tiananmen at 25: Enduring Influence on U.S.-China Relations and China’s Political Development

Tiananmen at 25: Enduring Influence on U.S.-China Relations and China’s Political Development

562 Dirksen Senate Office Building Washington, DC 20515

| Tuesday, May 20, 2014 – 3:30pm to 5:00pm
In 1989 citizens from all walks of life participated in demonstrations in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square and throughout China calling for political reform, respect for universal freedoms of speech, assembly, and association, and an end to government corruption. The government’s violent suppression of the protests in June of that year had far-reaching ramifications for both the development of human rights and rule of law in China and U.S.-China relations. In the years since, Chinese authorities have censored public discussion of Tiananmen and prevented a public accounting of what happened. At the same time, Chinese citizens continue to advocate for human rights, democracy, and an end to corruption. Witnesses at this CECC hearing will revisit the events of 1989 and discuss how the Tiananmen crackdown influenced both China’s societal and political development and U.S.-China relations over the last 25 years.

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Renee Xia and Perry Link: China: Detained to Death

 China: Detained to Death

Renee Xia and Perry Link

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Chinese Human Rights Defenders
Chinese legal rights activist Cao Shunli (1961–2014)
On May 3, fifteen Beijing citizens—scholars, journalists, and rights lawyers—gathered informally at the home of Professor Hao Jian of the Beijing Film Academy to reflect on the twentieth-fifth anniversary of the 1989 June Fourth massacre in Beijing. Two days later, five of the participants were arrested and charged with “creating a disturbance in a public place, causing serious disorder.” All five remain in detention.

Two of the five people have serious medical conditions: philosophy professor Xu Youyu, sixty-seven, has high blood pressure and diabetes; human rights lawyer Pu Zhiqiang, forty-nine, suffers both these conditions plus high cholesterol. Both take daily medications, but officials confiscated their medicines when they arrived at the detention facility, saying that detention-center staff are in charge of all medications. The next day both men were offered pills that they did not recognize. Xu was afraid of ingesting them and declined. Pu reluctantly accepted them.

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