Letter to German Foreign Minister (in Germany)

An
Bundesaußenminister Herr Dr. Frank-Walter Steinmeier
Auswärtiges Amt
11013 Berlin
Köln, 13.05.2014
Sehr geehrter Herr Außenminister Steinmeier,

bitte erlauben Sie mir, Ihnen den Fall der Beijinger Journalistin Gao Yu zu schildern, der vor allem in den letzten Tagen in den internationalen Medien Aufsehen erregt hat. Die mehrfach durch internationale Journalistenpreise ausgezeichnete Frau Gao Yu wurde am 24. April 2014 von Mitarbeitern des Büros für Öffentliche Sicherheit abgeführt. Zwei Wochen später wurde sie unter dem Verdacht der “illegalen Weitergabe von Staatsgeheimnissen an das Ausland” strafrechtlich in Gewahrsam genommen.
Frau Gao ist unter anderem auch Redakteurin der chinesischen Redaktion der Deutschen Welle und Mitglied des Unabhängigen Chinesischen PEN Zentrums. Der Intendant der Deutschen Welle, Herr Peter Limbourg, hat in einer Pressemitteilung die chinesischen Behörden wegen der Verhaftung Frau Gao Yus kritisiert. Es sei “menschenunwürdig, sie im chinesischen Fernsehen einem Millionenpublikum als geständige Kriminelle vorzuführen”, sagte Herr Limbourg. Er forderte „ein faires und rechtsstaatliches Verfahren“ für Frau Gao, und äußerte seine große Sorge um das Schicksal der 70-Jährigen.

(http://www.pressebox.de/pressemitteilung/deutsche-welle/DW-Intendant-fordert-faires-und-rechtsstaatliches-Verfahren-fuer-chinesische-Journalistin-Gao-Yu/boxid/677028)
Zum ersten Mal kam Frau Gao Yu bereits 1989 nach der Niederschlagung der Demokratiebewegung ins Gefängnis, weil sie in ihren Publikationen Sympathie für die Studenten der Demokratiebewegung geäußert hatte. Sie verlor ihre Position als Journalistin von “Economy Weekly” und war danach gezwungen, ausschließlich für Hongkonger Medien zu arbeiten. 1993 wurde Frau Gao deshalb wegen “Verrats von Staatsgeheimnissen” zu sechs Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt. Sie verbüßte die volle Haftzeit, und wurde erst 1999 entlassen. Da ihre Artikel in China nicht veröffentlicht werden können, schrieb Frau Gao seither, und vor allem im letzten Jahrzehnt, für ausländische Medien; sie nahm auch Einladungen ins Ausland an, um an wissenschaftlichen oder kulturellen Tagungen teilzunehmen.

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Ian Johnson:The Ghosts of Tiananmen Square

Ian Johnson JUNE 5, 2014 ISSUE

The People’s Republic of Amnesia: Tiananmen Revisited
by Louisa Lim
Oxford University Press, 248 pp., $24.95
Tiananmen Exiles: Voices of the Struggle for Democracy in China
by Rowena Xiaoqing He
Palgrave Macmillan, 212 pp., $95.00; $29.00 (paper)

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Ken Jarecke/Contact Press Images
Chinese troops observing the Tiananmen Square demonstration in May 1989 before the army was ordered to attack
Every spring, an old friend of mine named Xu Jue makes a trip to the Babaoshan cemetery in the western suburbs of Beijing to lay flowers on the tombs of her dead son and husband. She always plans her visit for April 5, which is the holiday of Pure Brightness, or Qingming. The traditional Chinese calendar has three festivals to honor the dead and Qingming is the most important—so important that in 2008 the government, which for decades had tried to suppress traditional religious practices, declared it a national holiday and gave people a day off to fulfill their obligations. Nowadays, Communist Party officials participate too; almost every year, they are shown on national television visiting the shrines of Communist martyrs or worshiping the mythic founder of the Chinese people, the Yellow Emperor, at a grandiose monument on the Yellow River.

But remembering can raise unpleasant questions. A few days before Xu Jue’s planned visit, two police officers come by her house to tell her that they will do her a special favor. They will escort her personally to the cemetery and help her sweep the tombs and lay the flowers. Their condition is that they won’t go on the emotive day of April 5. Instead, they’ll go a few days earlier. She knows she has no choice and accepts. Each year they cut a strange sight: an old lady arriving in a black sedan with four plainclothes police officers, who follow her to the tombstones of the dead men in her life.

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Party Chief’s Downfall a Central Act in Tiananmen Drama

By CHRIS BUCKLEY MAY 11, 2014, 7:00 PM 

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“We came too late,” Zhao Ziyang told students at Tiananmen Square on the morning of May 19, 1989.

In mid-May 1989, Zhang Gang was among a group of Chinese officials and scholars seeking to defuse the student protests that had filled Tiananmen Square for a month. They had been trying to coax concessions from the government and the demonstrators to end the volatile confrontation and protect the embattled Communist Party general secretary, Zhao Ziyang, who was increasingly at odds with the party patriarch, Deng Xiaoping.

Late at night, Mr. Zhang recalled in an interview, another official stepped aside to take a phone call and turned ashen-faced. The rifts in the party leadership over the Tiananmen protests, the official said, had reached a perilous turning point.

“He had a very grim look, and he turned to me and told me, ‘There was a meeting in Xiaoping’s home, and Ziyang has been sidelined.’”

“The political balance at the time was very brittle – very, very brittle – and as soon as the student movement erupted, this brittle balance was certainly going to be broken,” said Mr. Zhang, who in 1989 worked in a policy research office under Mr. Zhao and fled abroad that year, ending up in the United States. “On one side, we couldn’t rein in the old men, and on the other side, we couldn’t satisfy the students’ demands.”

Some two days later, Mr. Zhao made his famous ghostly appearance on Tiananmen Square. By then he knew that his political demise was sealed and that Mr. Deng had ordered martial law in urban Beijing, which would pit tens of thousands of soldiers against students and residents. Mr. Zhao went to the square at about 4 a.m. on May 19, and, surrounded by cameras and dumbfounded students, pleaded with the protesters to end their hunger strike and return to campus.

“We came too late,” he told them in the heavy accent of his birthplace, Henan Province in central China. After he spoke, students surrounded him for autographs.

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Game of Pawns: China’s version

Alia | May 8th, 2014 – 5:05 am

Apparently, college students are hot on the spy market right now, in both China and the US.

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A month after the FBI rolled out a cheesy microfilm “Game of Pawns: The Glenn Duffie Shriver Story” about an American college student who was recruited to spy for China, Beijing releases its own Shriver stories of Chinese college students being recruited by foreign intelligence agencies for espionage activities.

In the FBI story, Shriver, a Michigan native who studied in Shanghai, was approached by a Chinese woman who later turned out to work for the Chinese government. Shriver was encouraged to seek US government jobs, more specifically, at the CIA, with the aim of accessing classified information. He pleaded guilty to espionage charges in 2012 and was sentenced to 4 years.

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Wall Street Journal: Tiananmen Amnesia and Tiananmen Exiles

Posted on May 15, 2014 by Maura Cunningham

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He coverNow up at the Wall Street Journal’s China Real Time Report blog, my new column on Rowena Xiaoqing He’s recent book, Tiananmen Exiles:

In “Tiananmen Exiles,” Ms. He interviews Shen Tong and Wang Dan, both important figures in the Beijing protest movement, as well as Yi Danxuan, who was a student leader in Guangzhou. All three live overseas (only Mr. Shen has been able to visit China for business, on the condition that he refrain from political activity), and all have been prominent members of the Tiananmen exile community. Wang Dan obtained a Ph.D. in Chinese history from Harvard and now teaches in Taiwan, while Shen Tong founded a software company and Yi Danxuan has worked in journalism and business. Both Mr. Shen and Mr. Yi live in the United States.

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Wen Kejian: The Political Elite and Social Movement

The Political Elite and Social Movement

By Wen Kejian, published: May 12, 2014

 

“[D]emocratic transition….is a cause that will bring a huge return to society and is worth all the wisdom and energy political elites can give.”

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WEN KEJIAN (温克坚)

Among the people in China who support and advocate freedom and democracy, the idea that the success of democratic change hinges on the quality of the populace has lost favor, ostensibly anyway, as a result of years of battling ideas. But its more refined variations can still be found every now and then. For example, in particular incidents, the public has been criticized for lacking a sense of justice, or accused of inaction. So I will start this essay by paraphrasing Max Weber: the backwardness of a country is the backwardness of its elite, and the sign of its elite’s backwardness is that they always lay the blame on the quality of the populace.”

Getting rid of the idea of a high quality populace doesn’t mean that there isn’t a difference between the role the elite plays and the role the populace plays. The primary difference is that the populace is apathetic to political matters for the most part and seldom becomes involved, while the political elite is a group of people for whom politics is a main interest, even profession. Any individual who takes political affairs seriously can become a political elite, and a sense of role play is crucial in social movements and in a political transition.

Without a proper sense of role play, the political elites will not be taking up political responsibility willingly and they will lose the courage to change the existing political system, resulting in the continuing survival of a political system that is hostile to freedom and tramples human rights. As Mr. Zhang Xuezhong (张雪忠) once said, “Ever since the beginning of the 20th century, many Chinese liberals have been propagating the ideas of liberty but at the same time they have either shunned political involvement out of fear or proclaimed that they are above and beyond politics out of scrupulousness. But they should have asked themselves, placing their hands on their hearts: if even those who understand freedom and believe in it the most are unwilling to take action to turn it into a political reality, who else can they expect to do so? If freedom lovers are always opting to stay away from politics, then the only thing they receive and deserve is to be ruled by freedom haters.”

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Xu Youyu:Defiance

Defiance

By Xu Youyu, published: May 13, 2014

 

Like the vast majority of Chinese people, I don’t like to deal with the police. When the police come to your door, it always means something unusual or inauspicious has occurred. That’s why the police always say, “Nothing’s wrong with you? If there’s nothing wrong with you, why are we here?” In truth, the Chinese have long cultivated the habits of obedient citizens, and when the police appear, they believe something unlawful must have taken place.

Whether in uniform or plainclothes, police officers symbolize a mysterious power. Omniscient and omnipotent, they can twiddle the common man in the palms of their hands. The police are a fearsome element in daily life; their arrival suggests impending disaster and casts a shadow of self-doubt and unease.

I remember back around 1970, when I was a sent-down youth in An County, Sichuan Province, two county PSB officers came to see me at my production brigade. My sent-down comrades scattered like sparrows after gunfire, nervously whispering among themselves. After the two officers left, a couple of them sidled up to me with darting eyes and asked what was wrong. I said, “The ‘Learn from Dazhai for Agriculture’ exhibition at the county seat went up in flames, and the PSB thinks some sent-down youth did it. Someone told them that I went to the county seat on market day last Sunday, so they came to make inquiries. They wanted me to tell them everything I did that day – where I’d gone and whom I’d seen.” Although I’d told the police everything they wanted to know, I couldn’t dispel my unease over what might happen next. Who knew how many eyes were watching me furtively and what kind of investigation was going on behind my back? I also detected glee in the eyes of some of my comrades. At that time news of sent-down youth would be called back to the cities was making rounds, and there was competition among us for that stroke of luck. The news of my visit from the PSB spread far and wide, and the shadow cast over my prospects no doubt was translated into hopes for others.

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Tiananmen at 25: Enduring Influence on U.S.-China Relations and China’s Political Development

Tiananmen at 25: Enduring Influence on U.S.-China Relations and China’s Political Development

562 Dirksen Senate Office Building Washington, DC 20515

| Tuesday, May 20, 2014 – 3:30pm to 5:00pm
In 1989 citizens from all walks of life participated in demonstrations in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square and throughout China calling for political reform, respect for universal freedoms of speech, assembly, and association, and an end to government corruption. The government’s violent suppression of the protests in June of that year had far-reaching ramifications for both the development of human rights and rule of law in China and U.S.-China relations. In the years since, Chinese authorities have censored public discussion of Tiananmen and prevented a public accounting of what happened. At the same time, Chinese citizens continue to advocate for human rights, democracy, and an end to corruption. Witnesses at this CECC hearing will revisit the events of 1989 and discuss how the Tiananmen crackdown influenced both China’s societal and political development and U.S.-China relations over the last 25 years.

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